Marcus Aurelius Antoninus ( or-EE-lee-əs; Latin: [ˈmaːrkʊs au̯ˈreːli.us antoːˈniːnʊs]; born April 26, 121, died March 17, 180) reigned as Roman emperor from 161 to 180 and was a prominent Stoic philosopher. He belonged to the Nerva–Antonine dynasty, representing the final ruler among those subsequently designated the Five Good Emperors, and marked the conclusion of the Pax Romana, a period characterized by considerable peace, tranquility, and stability within the Roman Empire, spanning from 27 BC to 180 AD. His public service included terms as Roman consul in 140, 145, and 161.
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus ( or-EE-lee-əs; Latin: [ˈmaːrkʊsau̯ˈreːli.usantoːˈniːnʊs]; 26 April 121 – 17 March 180) was Roman emperor from 161 to 180 and a Stoic philosopher. He was a member of the Nerva–Antonine dynasty, the last of the rulers later known as the Five Good Emperors and the last emperor of the Pax Romana, an age of relative peace, calm, and stability for the Roman Empire lasting from 27 BC to 180 AD. He served as Roman consul in 140, 145, and 161.
Marcus Aurelius was the offspring of praetor Marcus Annius Verus and Domitia Calvilla. Through marital connections, he was related to the emperors Trajan and Hadrian. At the age of three, Marcus experienced the death of his father and was subsequently raised by his mother and paternal grandfather. Following the demise of Hadrian's adopted son, Aelius Caesar, in 138, Hadrian designated Marcus's uncle, Antoninus Pius, as his successor. Antoninus, in turn, adopted both Marcus and Lucius, Aelius's son. Hadrian passed away that same year, leading to Antoninus's ascension as emperor. As the designated heir, Marcus pursued studies in Greek and Latin, guided by distinguished tutors including Herodes Atticus and Marcus Cornelius Fronto. He formalized his union with Antoninus's daughter, Faustina, in 145.
Upon Antoninus's death in 161, Marcus ascended to the imperial throne, sharing power with his adoptive brother, who adopted the regnal name Lucius Aurelius Verus. The reign of Marcus Aurelius was marked by extensive military engagements for the Roman Empire. In the eastern territories, Roman forces confronted a resurgent Parthian Empire and the rebellious Kingdom of Armenia during the Parthian War of Lucius Verus. Marcus achieved victories against the Marcomanni, Quadi, and Sarmatian Iazyges in the Marcomannic Wars. These and other Germanic tribes increasingly posed a significant challenge to the Empire's security. Furthermore, he implemented a reduction in the silver content of the denarius, the Roman currency. While the persecution of Christians within the Roman Empire seemingly intensified during his rule, his direct involvement is improbable, given the absence of Christian sources attributing blame to him and the commendations he received from figures like Justin Martyr and Tertullian. The Antonine Plague emerged in 165 or 166, inflicting widespread devastation upon the Roman Empire's populace and resulting in an estimated five to ten million fatalities. Lucius Verus potentially succumbed to this plague in 169. Marcus himself died in 180, and his son Commodus succeeded him.
The succession of Commodus following Marcus's reign has generated considerable scholarly discussion among both contemporary and modern historians. The column and equestrian statue dedicated to Marcus Aurelius remain standing in Rome, erected to commemorate his military triumphs. In his capacity as a philosopher, his seminal work, Meditations, constitutes a foundational text for contemporary comprehension of ancient Stoic philosophy. These profound writings have garnered acclaim from various writers, philosophers, monarchs, and political figures across the centuries since his passing.
Historical Sources
The principal sources detailing the life and imperial administration of Marcus Aurelius are fragmented and often exhibit inconsistencies. The most significant collection of these sources, the biographical accounts within the Historia Augusta, purport to have been authored by multiple writers around the beginning of the 4th century AD; however, scholarly consensus suggests they were actually composed by a singular author (herein termed 'the biographer') approximately from 395 AD. While subsequent biographies and those pertaining to lesser emperors and usurpers are deemed untrustworthy, the earlier biographical entries, primarily drawing from now-extinct preceding sources (such as Marius Maximus or Ignotus), are considered to possess greater accuracy. Regarding Marcus's life and reign, the biographies concerning Hadrian, Antoninus, Marcus, and Lucius are generally dependable, whereas those of Aelius Verus and Avidius Cassius are not.
A collection of correspondence between Marcus's tutor Fronto and various Antonine officials, spanning approximately 138 to 166 CE, exists in fragmented manuscript form. While Marcus's personal Meditations provide insight into his inner world, they are largely undatable and contain minimal specific references to contemporary events. The primary narrative source for this era is Cassius Dio, a Greek senator from Bithynian Nicaea, whose eighty-book history chronicled Rome from its inception until 229 CE. Although indispensable for understanding the period's military history, Dio's perspective is often clouded by his senatorial biases and pronounced opposition to imperial expansion. Additional literary sources offer specific insights: the physician Galen's observations on the customs of the Antonine elite, Aelius Aristides' orations reflecting the prevailing societal mood, and the legal constitutions concerning Marcus's legislative contributions, preserved within the Digest and Codex Justinianeus. Epigraphic evidence and numismatic discoveries further complement these literary accounts.
Early life
Name
Marcus was born in Rome on April 26, 121 CE. While some sources identify his birth name as Marcus Annius Verus, others indicate he acquired this name upon his father's death and subsequent unofficial adoption by his grandfather, coinciding with his coming of age. Alternatively, he may have been known as "Marcus Annius Catilius Severus" at birth or during his youth, or as "Marcus Catilius Severus Annius Verus." Following his adoption by Antoninus as heir apparent, he adopted the name "Marcus Aelius Aurelius Verus Caesar." Upon his imperial ascension, he became "Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus," a title he retained until his demise. Notably, Epiphanius of Salamis, in his chronology of Roman emperors within On Weights and Measures, refers to him as Marcus Aurelius Verus.
Family origins
Marcus Aurelius's father was Marcus Annius Verus (III). His gens Annia, of Italic origin, eventually settled in the small colony of Ucubi (Colonia Claritas Iulia Ucubi), located southeast of Córdoba in Iberian Baetica (modern Andalusia, Spain). This gens also asserted legendary descent from Numa Pompilius. The Annii Veri achieved prominence in Rome during the late 1st century CE. Marcus's great-grandfather, Marcus Annius Verus (I), served as a senator and, according to the Historia Augusta, a former praetor. His grandfather, Marcus Annius Verus (II), was elevated to patrician status between 73 and 74 CE. Through his paternal grandmother, Rupilia Faustina, Marcus was connected to the Nerva-Antonine dynasty. Rupilia was the stepdaughter of Salonia Matidia, who, in turn, was the niece of Emperor Trajan.
Marcus's mother, Domitia Lucilla Minor (also known as Domitia Calvilla), was the daughter of the Roman patrician P. Calvisius Tullus. She inherited a substantial fortune from her parents and grandparents, a legacy extensively documented in one of Pliny's letters. This inheritance comprised extensive brickworks on the periphery of Rome—a highly profitable venture during the city's construction boom—and the Horti Domitia Calvillae (alternatively known as Lucillae), a villa situated on Rome's Caelian Hill. Marcus was born and raised within the Horti, personally referring to the Caelian Hill as 'My Caelian'.
Marcus's adoptive family belonged to the ancient Roman gens Aurelia. His adoptive father, Antoninus Pius, originated from the Aurelii Fulvi, a specific branch of the Aurelii established in the colony of Nemausus within Roman Gaul.
Childhood
Annia Cornificia Faustina, Marcus's sister, was likely born in either 122 or 123. His father's death, probably in 125 or 126 during his praetorship, occurred when Marcus was approximately three years old. Despite his limited direct acquaintance with his father, Marcus recorded in his Meditations that he acquired 'modesty and manliness' through recollections of his father and the man's posthumous renown. His mother, Lucilla, did not remarry and, consistent with prevailing aristocratic norms, probably devoted little time to her son. Consequently, Marcus was attended by 'nurses' and, following his father's demise, was reared by his grandfather, Marcus Annius Verus (II). This grandfather had consistently maintained the legal authority of patria potestas over both his son and grandson. This arrangement was not a formal adoption, which would have established a distinct patria potestas. Lucius Catilius Severus, identified as Marcus's maternal great-grandfather and likely the stepfather of the elder Domitia Lucilla, also contributed to his upbringing. Marcus spent his formative years in his parents' residence on the Caelian Hill, an affluent district characterized by numerous aristocratic villas and few public structures. A significant portion of his childhood was also spent in a palace adjacent to the Lateran, which belonged to his grandfather. Marcus credited this grandfather with imparting 'good character and avoidance of bad temper'. However, he held less affection for the mistress his grandfather acquired and cohabited with after the death of his wife, Rupilia, expressing gratitude for the brevity of their shared living arrangement.
From an early age, Marcus demonstrated a keen interest in wrestling and boxing. He engaged in wrestling training throughout his youth and adolescence, acquired proficiency in armored combat, and became a member of the Salii. This priestly order, consecrated to the god Mars, was tasked with safeguarding the sacred shields, known as Ancilia, and potentially with signaling the commencement and conclusion of the war season. Marcus received his education at home, consistent with the aristocratic customs of his era; he credited Catilius Severus with advocating against his attendance at public schools. Diognetus, a painting master and one of his instructors, proved especially significant, seemingly introducing Marcus Aurelius to a philosophical lifestyle. In April 132, prompted by Diognetus, Marcus adopted the attire and practices of a philosopher: he pursued his studies clad in a coarse Greek cloak and slept on the ground until his mother convinced him to utilize a bed. Approximately in 132 or 133, a new cohort of tutors assumed responsibility for Marcus's education, including the Homeric scholar Alexander of Cotiaeum, alongside Latin instructors Trosius Aper and Tuticius Proculus. Marcus acknowledged Alexander for his instruction in literary composition. Alexander's pedagogical impact, characterized by a prioritization of substance over mere style, meticulous phrasing, and occasional Homeric citations, is discernible in Marcus's Meditations.
Hadrian's Succession
In late 136, Hadrian experienced a near-fatal hemorrhage. While recuperating at his villa in Tivoli, he designated Lucius Ceionius Commodus, who was Marcus's prospective father-in-law, as his successor and adopted son. This decision was, according to a biographer, made 'against the wishes of everyone'. Although Hadrian's precise motivations remain unclear, it appears his ultimate objective was to position the then-underage Marcus for the imperial throne. Upon his adoption, Commodus assumed the name Lucius Aelius Caesar. His precarious health was evident during a ceremony to acknowledge his status as heir, where he lacked the strength to independently lift a substantial shield. Following a brief deployment to the Danube frontier, Aelius returned to Rome, intending to address the Senate on the inaugural day of 138. Nevertheless, the evening preceding his scheduled oration, he fell ill and succumbed to a hemorrhage later that day.
On January 24, 138, Hadrian designated Aurelius Antoninus, who was married to Marcus's aunt Faustina the Elder, as his subsequent successor. Pursuant to Hadrian's stipulations, Antoninus, in turn, adopted Marcus and Lucius Commodus, the son of Lucius Aelius. Consequently, Marcus assumed the name M. Aelius Aurelius Verus, and Lucius became L. Aelius Aurelius Commodus. Furthermore, Hadrian requested that Antoninus's daughter, Faustina, be betrothed to Lucius. Marcus reportedly received the announcement of Hadrian becoming his adoptive grandfather with sorrow rather than elation. He relocated from his mother's residence on the Caelian Hill to Hadrian's private dwelling only with considerable reluctance.
In 138, Hadrian petitioned the Senate to grant Marcus an exemption from the legal age requirement, which prohibited individuals from assuming the role of quaestor prior to their twenty-fourth birthday. The Senate approved this request, leading to Marcus's service under Antoninus, who held the consulship in 139. Marcus's adoption significantly altered the conventional career trajectory expected of his social standing. Had he not been adopted, he would likely have pursued the esteemed position of triumvir monetalis, which entailed symbolic oversight of the state mint. Subsequently, he might have served as a tribune within a legion, effectively acting as its nominal second-in-command. Alternatively, Marcus might have chosen to prioritize travel and advanced education. Consequently, Marcus's life diverged considerably from that of his peers. Despite these changes, his biographer asserts that his personal character remained consistent: "He maintained the same deference towards his relatives as he had as a private citizen, and exhibited the same frugality and diligence in managing his possessions as he did while residing in a private household."
Following multiple unsuccessful suicide attempts, each prevented by Antoninus, Hadrian departed for Baiae, a coastal resort situated on the Campanian coast. His health did not improve, prompting him to disregard his physicians' dietary recommendations and instead indulge in food and drink. Hadrian summoned Antoninus, who was present at his death on July 10, 138. His burial occurred discreetly in Puteoli. Antoninus's succession was characterized by peace and stability; he retained Hadrian's appointed officials, placated the Senate by upholding its prerogatives, and commuted the death sentences of individuals accused during Hadrian's final period. In recognition of his exemplary conduct, Antoninus was subsequently granted the appellation 'Pius'.
The section details the period of Marcus's heirship to Antoninus Pius, spanning from 138 to 145.
Immediately following Hadrian's demise, Antoninus proposed a revision to Marcus's marital arrangements: the annulment of Marcus's engagement to Ceionia Fabia, to be replaced by a betrothal to Faustina, Antoninus's daughter. This also necessitated the annulment of Faustina's engagement to Lucius Commodus, Ceionia's brother. Marcus agreed to Antoninus's proposition. In 140, he was appointed consul alongside Antoninus and, on July 15, 139, during the annual parade of the equestrian order, he was designated a sevir, one of the six commanders of the knights. As the designated heir, Marcus assumed the title of princeps iuventutis, signifying his leadership of the equestrian order. He subsequently adopted the name Marcus Aelius Aurelius Verus Caesar. Marcus would later admonish himself against excessive identification with this title, stating: "Ensure you do not become a mere Caesar; resist being immersed in the imperial purple – for such a transformation is possible." Upon the Senate's request, Marcus was inducted into all priestly colleges, including the pontifices, augures, quindecimviri sacris faciundis, and septemviri epulonum, among others; however, conclusive evidence of his membership exists solely for the Arval Brethren.
Despite Marcus's reservations, Antoninus insisted that he reside in the House of Tiberius, the imperial palace on the Palatine, and adopt the customs associated with his elevated status, referred to as the aulicum fastigium or 'pomp of the court'. Marcus subsequently found it challenging to reconcile the demands of court life with his philosophical aspirations. He rationalized that this reconciliation was achievable, asserting, "Where life is possible, then it is possible to live the right life; life is possible in a palace, so it is possible to live the right life in a palace," yet he still encountered considerable difficulty. In his Meditations, he would later self-critically reflect on "abusing court life" in social settings.
In his capacity as quaestor, Marcus's actual administrative responsibilities were minimal. His duties included reading imperial correspondence to the Senate during Antoninus's absences and performing secretarial tasks for the senators. Nevertheless, he felt overwhelmed by the volume of paperwork, lamenting to his tutor, Marcus Cornelius Fronto: "I am utterly exhausted from dictating almost thirty letters." According to his biographer, he was undergoing preparation "for ruling the state." Additionally, he was obligated to deliver speeches to the assembled senators, thereby rendering oratorical training a crucial component of his role.
On January 1, 145, Marcus assumed his second consulship. In a letter, Fronto advised him to ensure sufficient sleep, stating, "so that you may come into the Senate with a good colour and read your speech with a strong voice." Marcus had previously reported an ailment, noting, "As far as my strength is concerned, I am beginning to get it back; and there is no trace of the pain in my chest. But that ulcer [...] I am having treatment and taking care not to do anything that interferes with it." Despite his lifelong delicate health, Cassius Dio commended Marcus in his later writings for his steadfast adherence to duty, notwithstanding his numerous illnesses. In April 145, Marcus wed Faustina, who was legally his sister, a union prearranged since 138. Specific details of the ceremony remain scarce, though a biographer characterized it as "noteworthy." Commemorative coins featuring the couple's effigies were minted, and Antoninus, in his capacity as Pontifex Maximus, likely presided over the event. Marcus's extant correspondence contains no explicit mention of the marriage and only infrequent references to Faustina.
Fronto and Advanced Education
Following his assumption of the toga virilis in 136, Marcus likely commenced his formal training in oratory. He received instruction from three Greek tutors—Aninus Macer, Caninius Celer, and Herodes Atticus—and one Latin tutor, Marcus Cornelius Fronto. The latter two were considered the preeminent orators of their era, though their tutelage probably began only after Marcus's adoption by Antoninus in 138. The predominance of Greek instructors underscores the significant cultural importance of the Greek language among the Roman aristocracy during this period, which coincided with the Second Sophistic, a notable resurgence in Greek literary and rhetorical traditions. Despite receiving his education in Rome, Marcus chose to record his most profound reflections in Greek within his Meditations.
Herodes Atticus was a contentious figure: an exceptionally wealthy Athenian, possibly the richest individual in the eastern Roman Empire, he was prone to fits of anger and incurred the resentment of his compatriots due to his condescending demeanor. Atticus was a staunch adversary of Stoicism and philosophical affectations, deeming the Stoics' pursuit of apatheia to be misguided, asserting that it would result in a "sluggish, enervated life." Notwithstanding Atticus's influence, Marcus subsequently embraced Stoicism. Notably, Marcus made no reference to Herodes in his Meditations, despite their numerous interactions over several decades.
Fronto commanded considerable esteem; within the self-consciously antiquarian sphere of Latin literature, he was regarded as second only to Cicero, and perhaps even a viable alternative. He harbored little affection for Atticus, though Marcus ultimately managed to reconcile the two, enabling them to communicate. Fronto demonstrated an unparalleled command of Latin, adept at tracing linguistic expressions throughout classical literature, unearthing recondite synonyms, and meticulously critiquing subtle improprieties in lexical selection.
A substantial volume of the correspondence exchanged between Fronto and Marcus has been preserved. Their relationship was characterized by profound intimacy, evidenced by the affectionate language employed in their letters, such as: "Farewell my Fronto, wherever you are, my most sweet love and delight. How is it between you and me? I love you and you are not here." Marcus also engaged in social interactions with Fronto's wife and daughter, both named Cratia, enjoying convivial and lighthearted discussions.
On Fronto's birthday, Marcus composed a letter asserting an affection for him equivalent to self-love, and imploring the gods to grant that all literary knowledge he acquired would be "from the lips of Fronto." His supplications for Fronto's well-being transcended mere convention, given Fronto's recurrent illnesses; indeed, he frequently appeared to be a perpetual invalid, enduring constant suffering, with approximately one-quarter of their extant correspondence dedicated to discussions of his ailments. Marcus even expressed a desire for Fronto's pain to be transferred to himself, stating, "of my own accord with every kind of discomfort."
Fronto maintained his career as an advocate and did not assume a full-time teaching role for Marcus. A prominent legal dispute subsequently created a conflict between Fronto and Atticus. Marcus interceded with Fronto, initially offering 'advice' and later requesting as a 'favour,' that he refrain from assailing Atticus, having previously urged Atticus to avoid initiating hostilities. Fronto expressed astonishment that Marcus considered Atticus a friend (speculating that Atticus might not yet have been Marcus's tutor) and conceded the possibility of Marcus's correctness. Nevertheless, Fronto asserted his resolve to prevail in the case through any requisite means, stating: "[T]he charges are frightful and must be spoken of as frightful. Those in particular that refer to the beating and robbing I will describe so that they savour of gall and bile. If I happen to call him an uneducated little Greek it will not mean war to the death." The verdict of the trial remains unrecorded.
By the age of twenty-five, specifically between April 146 and April 147, Marcus had developed a profound dissatisfaction with his legal studies and exhibited indications of general ill-ease. In correspondence with Fronto, Marcus characterized his instructor as an disagreeable braggart who had subtly criticized him, remarking: "It is easy to sit yawning next to a judge, he says, but to be a judge is noble work." Marcus had become weary of his academic drills and the practice of adopting stances in hypothetical discussions. When Marcus critiqued the lack of authenticity in conventional discourse, Fronto undertook its defense. Irrespective of these developments, Marcus's formal educational period concluded. He maintained amicable relationships with his instructors, adhering to their teachings with dedication. His biographer notes that the extensive dedication to his academic pursuits "affected his health adversely." This dedication constituted the sole aspect of Marcus's entire youth that his biographer deemed worthy of criticism.
Fronto had previously cautioned Marcus against philosophical study, asserting: "It is better never to have touched the teaching of philosophy [...] than to have tasted it superficially, with the edge of the lips, as the saying is." Fronto held philosophy and philosophers in contempt, viewing Marcus's engagements with Apollonius of Chalcedon and his associates with disdain. Fronto offered a critical interpretation of Marcus's "conversion to philosophy," suggesting that, "In the fashion of the young, tired of boring work," Marcus had embraced philosophy as a means of evading the incessant demands of oratorical practice. Marcus maintained regular communication with Fronto, yet he disregarded Fronto's reservations.
While Apollonius might have initiated Marcus into Stoic philosophy, Quintus Junius Rusticus ultimately exerted the most profound influence on the young man. Fronto acknowledged Rusticus as the individual who had "wooed Marcus away" from the study of oratory. Rusticus was senior to Fronto and two decades Marcus's elder. As the grandson of Arulenus Rusticus, a martyr under the tyrannical reign of Domitian (r. 81–96), he inherited the legacy of "Stoic Opposition" against the "bad emperors" of the 1st century, thereby representing the authentic successor to Seneca, in contrast to Fronto, who was considered a false one. Marcus expressed gratitude to Rusticus for instructing him "not to be led astray into enthusiasm for rhetoric, for writing on speculative themes, for discoursing on moralising texts ... To avoid oratory, poetry, and 'fine writing'."
Philostratus records that Marcus, even in his advanced age and during the latter period of his emperorship, continued his studies under Sextus of Chaeronea:
The Emperor Marcus was an eager disciple of Sextus the Boeotian philosopher, being often in his company and frequenting his house. Lucius, who had just come to Rome, asked the Emperor, whom he met on his way, where he was going to and on what errand, and Marcus answered, 'it is good even for an old man to learn; I am now on my way to Sextus the philosopher to learn what I do not yet know.' And Lucius, raising his hand to heaven, said, ' O Zeus, the king of the Romans in his old age takes up his tablets and goes to school.'
Birth and Death
On November 30, 147, Faustina bore a daughter named Domitia Faustina, who was the first of at least thirteen children, including two sets of twins, born to Faustina over the subsequent twenty-three years. The following day, December 1, Antoninus conferred upon Marcus the tribunician power and the imperium, which granted him authority over the emperor's armies and provinces. As a tribune, Marcus was entitled to introduce one legislative measure before the senate, in addition to the four Antoninus could propose. His tribunician powers were subsequently renewed alongside Antoninus's on December 10, 147. Marcus's correspondence first mentions Domitia as a frail infant, noting, "Caesar to Fronto: If the gods are willing, we appear to have hope of recovery. The diarrhoea has ceased, and the minor fever attacks have subsided. However, extreme emaciation and persistent coughing remain." Marcus indicated that he and Faustina had been "quite occupied" with the child's care. Domitia Faustina died in 151.
In 149, Faustina bore twin sons. This event is commemorated on contemporary coinage, which features crossed cornucopiae beneath portrait busts of the two young boys, accompanied by the legend temporum felicitas, signifying 'the happiness of the times'. However, these infants did not survive long. Before the year concluded, another family coin was issued, depicting only a small girl, Domitia Faustina, and one male infant. Subsequently, a further coin showed only the girl. The infants, named Titus Aurelius Antoninus and Tiberius Aelius Aurelius, were interred in the Mausoleum of Hadrian, where their epitaphs are still extant. Marcus reflected on loss, stating, "One man prays: 'How I may not lose my little child,' but you must pray: 'How I may not be afraid to lose him.'" He then cited a passage from the Iliad, which he described as the "briefest and most familiar saying [...] enough to dispel sorrow and fear."
On March 7, 150, another daughter, Annia Aurelia Galeria Lucilla, was born. Marcus's mother, Domitia Lucilla, died sometime between 155 and 161, likely soon after 155. Faustina possibly bore another daughter, Annia Galeria Aurelia Faustina, in 151, though her birth might have occurred as late as 153. A son, Tiberius Aelius Antoninus, was born in 152. A coin issue celebrating fecunditati Augustae, 'to Augusta's fertility', depicts two girls and an infant. However, this son did not survive long, as indicated by coins from 156 that portray only the two girls. He may have died in 152, the same year as Marcus's sister Cornificia. By March 28, 158, when Marcus responded to a communication, another of his children had died; the child's name remains unknown, though Marcus thanked the temple synod "even though this turned out otherwise." In 159 and 160, Faustina bore two more daughters, Fadilla and Cornificia, named respectively after Faustina's and Marcus's deceased sisters.
Another daughter was born on 7 March 150, Annia Aurelia Galeria Lucilla. At some time between 155 and 161, probably soon after 155, Marcus's mother Domitia Lucilla died. Faustina probably had another daughter in 151, but the child, Annia Galeria Aurelia Faustina, might not have been born until 153. Another son, Tiberius Aelius Antoninus, was born in 152. A coin issue celebrates fecunditati Augustae, 'to Augusta's fertility', depicting two girls and an infant. The boy did not survive long, as evidenced by coins from 156, only depicting the two girls. He might have died in 152, the same year as Marcus's sister Cornificia. By 28 March 158, when Marcus replied, another of his children was dead. Marcus thanked the temple synod, 'even though this turned out otherwise'. The child's name is unknown. In 159 and 160, Faustina gave birth to daughters: Fadilla and Cornificia, named respectively after Faustina's and Marcus's dead sisters.
Antoninus Pius's Final Years
Lucius commenced his political career as a quaestor in 153, serving as consul in 154 and again alongside Marcus in 161. Beyond the designation 'son of Augustus', Lucius held no other titles. His personality diverged significantly from Marcus's; he enjoyed various sports, particularly hunting and wrestling, and demonstrated a clear predilection for circus games and gladiatorial contests. He remained unmarried until 164.
In 156, Antoninus reached the age of seventy. He experienced difficulty maintaining an upright posture without support and began consuming dry bread to sustain his wakefulness during morning receptions. As Antoninus aged, Marcus progressively assumed more administrative responsibilities, a trend that intensified when he became praetorian prefect—an office with significant secretarial as well as military functions—following the death of Marcus Gavius Maximus in 156 or 157. In 160, Marcus and Lucius were designated as joint consuls for the subsequent year, suggesting Antoninus may have already been in declining health.
According to his biographer, two days prior to his demise, Antoninus resided at his ancestral estate in Lorium, Etruria, approximately 19 kilometers (12 mi) from Rome. During dinner, he consumed Alpine cheese with considerable appetite. That night, he vomited, and the following day, he developed a fever. On March 7, 161, the day after, he convened the imperial council and formally bequeathed the state and his daughter to Marcus. The emperor encapsulated his life's philosophy in his final uttered word, 'aequanimitas' (equanimity), when the tribune of the night-watch requested the password. He then turned over, as if to sleep, and expired. His death concluded the longest reign since Augustus, exceeding that of Tiberius by several months.
Emperor
The Accession of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus (161 CE)
Upon Antoninus's death in 161 CE, Marcus effectively assumed sole imperial authority. The formal recognition of his position subsequently occurred. The Senate promptly bestowed upon him the appellation Augustus and the title imperator, followed by his formal election as pontifex maximus, the principal priest of the state cults. Marcus exhibited a degree of reluctance, with his biographer noting that he was 'compelled' to accept imperial power. This reluctance might have stemmed from a genuine horror imperii, or 'fear of imperial power'. Given his inclination towards a philosophical existence, Marcus found the imperial office inherently undesirable. Nevertheless, his Stoic philosophical training unequivocally impressed upon him the imperative of fulfilling this duty.
Despite Marcus's apparent lack of personal affection for Hadrian—a point underscored by Hadrian's absence from the acknowledgments in the initial book of Marcus's Meditations—Marcus evidently considered it his obligation to implement Hadrian's succession arrangements. Consequently, even though the Senate intended to confirm Marcus as sole emperor, he declined to assume the position unless Lucius was granted co-equal authority. The Senate acquiesced, bestowing upon Lucius the imperium, tribunician power, and the title Augustus. Officially, Marcus adopted the full titulature of Imperator Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus, while Lucius, relinquishing his birth name Commodus and adopting Marcus's family name Verus, became Imperator Caesar Lucius Aurelius Verus Augustus. This marked the inaugural instance of Rome being governed by two co-emperors.
Notwithstanding their ostensible parity, Marcus possessed greater auctoritas, or 'authority', than Lucius. This was evidenced by his additional consulship compared to Lucius, his prior participation in Antoninus's administration, and his exclusive tenure as pontifex maximus. The public would have readily perceived which emperor held the superior rank. As recorded by the biographer, "Verus obeyed Marcus [...] as a lieutenant obeys a proconsul or a governor obeys the emperor."
Subsequent to their senatorial confirmation, the emperors proceeded directly to the Castra Praetoria, the headquarters of the Praetorian Guard. Lucius addressed the assembled military personnel, who subsequently acclaimed both emperors as imperatores. Following this, in a tradition established since Claudius, Lucius pledged a distinctive donativum to the troops. This particular donative, however, was unprecedented in its generosity, amounting to 20,000 sesterces (5,000 denarii) per soldier, with additional sums allocated to officers. In exchange for this substantial remuneration, which equated to several years' wages, the troops formally swore an oath of allegiance to the emperors. While this ceremony might not have been strictly essential, considering Marcus's peaceful and unopposed accession, it served as a prudent safeguard against potential future military unrest. Concurrently with his accession, Marcus also initiated a devaluation of the Roman currency. This involved reducing the silver purity of the denarius from 83.5% to 79%, resulting in a decrease in silver weight from 2.68 g (0.095 oz) to 2.57 g (0.091 oz).
According to the biographer, Antoninus's funeral ceremonies were characterized as 'elaborate'. Presuming adherence to the funerary customs of his predecessors, his body would have undergone cremation on a pyre at the Campus Martius, with his spirit symbolically ascending to the celestial abode of the gods. Marcus and Lucius subsequently proposed their adoptive father for deification. Unlike their previous stance during Antoninus's efforts to deify Hadrian, the Senate did not resist the emperors' request. Consequently, a flamen, or cultic priest, was designated to oversee the worship of the deified Divus Antoninus. Antoninus's mortal remains were interred within Hadrian's mausoleum, alongside those of Marcus's children and Hadrian himself. The temple previously dedicated by Antoninus to his wife, Diva Faustina, was subsequently rededicated as the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina. This structure persists today as the church of San Lorenzo in Miranda.
Pursuant to Antoninus's testamentary provisions, his estate was bequeathed to Faustina. (Marcus possessed minimal need for his wife's wealth; indeed, upon his accession, he transferred a portion of his mother's estate to his nephew, Ummius Quadratus.) Faustina was three months pregnant at the time of her husband's accession. During her pregnancy, she reportedly dreamt of delivering two serpents, one exhibiting greater ferocity than the other. On August 31st, she gave birth to twin sons at Lanuvium: T. Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus and Lucius Aurelius Commodus. Despite the coincidence of the twins sharing Caligula's birthday, the prevailing omens were auspicious, and astrologers cast favorable horoscopes for the infants. These births were commemorated through their depiction on imperial coinage.
Commencement of the Reign
Shortly after the emperor's ascension, Marcus's eleven-year-old daughter, Annia Lucilla, was formally betrothed to Lucius, notwithstanding his familial status as her uncle. The commemorative ceremonies for this event included the establishment of new provisions for indigent children, consistent with previous imperial philanthropic initiatives. Both Marcus and Lucius garnered significant public favor in Rome, largely due to their civiliter ('lacking pomp') conduct. The emperors fostered an environment of free expression, exemplified by the comedy writer Marullus, who critiqued them without incurring punitive measures. A contemporary biographer noted, "No one missed the lenient ways of Pius."
Marcus initiated a series of significant personnel changes among the empire's principal officials. Sextus Caecilius Crescens Volusianus, who held the position of ab epistulis, responsible for imperial correspondence, was succeeded by Titus Varius Clemens. Clemens, originating from the frontier province of Pannonia, had previously served in the Mauretanian war and recently functioned as procurator for five provinces, making him particularly apt for periods of military exigency. Lucius Volusius Maecianus, Marcus's former tutor, who had been the prefectural governor of Egypt at the time of Marcus's accession, was recalled to Rome. He was subsequently elevated to senatorial rank and appointed prefect of the treasury (aerarium Saturni), achieving the consulship shortly thereafter. Concurrently, Fronto's son-in-law, Gaius Aufidius Victorinus, received the appointment as governor of Germania Superior.
Fronto arrived at his Roman residence at dawn on March 28, having departed his home in Cirta immediately upon receiving intelligence of his pupils' accession. He dispatched a message to the imperial freedman Charilas, inquiring about the possibility of an audience with the emperors. Fronto later clarified that he had not presumed to address the emperors directly. The tutor expressed profound pride in his former students. Reflecting on the oration he delivered during his consulship in 143, in which he had lauded the young Marcus, Fronto conveyed his elation: "There was then an outstanding natural ability in you; there is now perfected excellence. There was then a crop of growing corn; there is now a ripe, gathered harvest. What I was hoping for then, I have now. The hope has become a reality." Notably, Fronto's
Fronto held Lucius in lower regard than his brother, attributing this to Lucius's less intellectual pursuits. Lucius, for instance, requested Fronto's arbitration in a disagreement he and his associate Calpurnius were having concerning the comparative merits of two theatrical performers. Marcus, conversely, discussed his current readings, which included Coelius and some Cicero, alongside updates on his family. His daughters were residing in Rome with their great-great-aunt Matidia, as Marcus deemed the country's evening air excessively cold for them. He specifically requested from Fronto 'some particularly eloquent reading matter, something of your own, or Cato, or Cicero, or Sallust or Gracchus – or some poet, for I need distraction, especially in this kind of way, by reading something that will uplift and diffuse my pressing anxieties.' Marcus's initial period of rule progressed without significant incident, allowing him to dedicate himself fully to philosophical study and the cultivation of public favor. Nevertheless, he would soon encounter numerous anxieties, signaling the conclusion of the felicitas temporum ('happy times') that the coinage of 161 had heralded.
During either the autumn of 161 or the spring of 162, the Tiber River inundated its banks, submerging substantial portions of Rome. This event resulted in the loss of numerous animals and precipitated a famine within the city. Marcus and Lucius personally oversaw the management of this crisis. Historical accounts indicate that during previous periods of scarcity, emperors had supplied Italian communities from the Roman granaries.
Fronto maintained his epistolary correspondence throughout Marcus's initial years as emperor. Fronto contended that, given Marcus's elevated prominence and extensive public responsibilities, his educational pursuits had become more critical than ever. He perceived that Marcus was 'beginning to feel the wish to be eloquent once more, in spite of having for a time lost interest in eloquence'. Fronto consistently reiterated to his former pupil the inherent tension between his imperial office and his philosophical aspirations, stating: 'Suppose, Caesar, that you can attain to the wisdom of Cleanthes and Zeno, yet, against your will, not the philosopher's woolen cape.'
The initial period of Marcus's reign marked a particularly felicitous time for Fronto, who observed Marcus's widespread popularity among the Roman populace, his exemplary leadership as emperor, his dedication as a student, and, critically, his exceptional rhetorical prowess. Marcus had previously demonstrated this oratorical skill in an address to the Senate following an earthquake in Cyzicus. This speech effectively communicated the gravity of the catastrophe, eliciting profound admiration from the Senate, as evidenced by the remark: "Not more suddenly or violently was the city stirred by the earthquake than the minds of your hearers by your speech." Fronto expressed immense satisfaction with these developments.
The Parthian War (161–166)
During his final moments, Antoninus's discourse centered exclusively on matters of state and the foreign monarchs he perceived as having wronged him. Among these adversaries was Vologases IV of Parthia, who initiated hostilities in late summer or early autumn of 161. Vologases invaded the Kingdom of Armenia, then a Roman client state, deposing its reigning monarch and installing Pacorus, an Arsacid of his own lineage. Marcus Sedatius Severianus, a Gaul renowned for his extensive military background, served as the governor of Cappadocia, a region strategically vital as the primary frontier in all Armenian engagements.
Influenced by the prophet Alexander of Abonoteichus, who assured him of an effortless victory against the Parthians and personal renown, Severianus advanced a legion—potentially the IX Hispana—into Armenia. However, he was ambushed by the Parthian general Chosrhoes at Elegeia, a settlement situated beyond the Cappadocian border, near the upper reaches of the Euphrates. Following several futile attempts to engage Chosrhoes, Severianus committed suicide, and his legion was annihilated. The entire military operation concluded within three days.
Concurrently, threats of conflict emerged on additional frontiers, specifically in Britain, Raetia, and Upper Germany, where the Chatti from the Taunus mountains had recently breached the limes. Marcus found himself ill-prepared for such military exigencies. Antoninus apparently had not provided him with any practical military training; a biographer records that Marcus remained continuously by Antoninus's side throughout the emperor's twenty-three-year reign, rather than gaining experience in the provinces, a common practice for most preceding emperors during their formative careers.
Further adverse reports indicated that the Syrian governor's forces had suffered a defeat by the Parthians, resulting in a disorganized retreat. Consequently, reinforcements were promptly deployed to the Parthian frontier. P. Julius Geminius Marcianus, an African senator who commanded X Gemina at Vindobona (modern Vienna), departed for Cappadocia accompanied by detachments from the Danubian legions. Additionally, three complete legions were transferred eastward: I Minervia from Bonn in Upper Germany, II Adiutrix from Aquincum, and V Macedonica from Troesmis.
This redeployment significantly compromised the strategic integrity of the northern frontiers, leading to directives for frontier governors to avert conflict whenever feasible. M. Annius Libo, Marcus's first cousin, was appointed to succeed the Syrian governor. Having held his first consulship in 161, Libo was likely in his early thirties and, as a patrician, possessed no prior military experience. Marcus's selection thus prioritized reliability over demonstrated military aptitude.
Marcus observed a four-day public holiday at Alsium, a coastal resort town in Etruria, yet found himself too preoccupied with anxiety to genuinely relax. In correspondence with Fronto, he stated his reluctance to discuss his vacation. Fronto responded with a rhetorical question: 'What? Do I not know that you went to Alsium with the intention of devoting yourself to games, joking, and complete leisure for four whole days?' Fronto urged Marcus to rest, citing the examples of previous emperors, such as Antoninus, who indulged in physical exercise in the palaestra, fishing, and comedic performances. Fronto even composed a fable illustrating the gods' division of the day into morning and evening, implying Marcus's tendency to dedicate his evenings to judicial responsibilities rather than leisure. Marcus, however, found himself unable to heed Fronto's counsel. He replied, 'I have duties hanging over me that can hardly be begged off.' Adopting Fronto's persona to self-reproach, Marcus wrote: ''Much good has my advice done you', you will say!' He affirmed his commitment to occasional rest but emphasized the overwhelming nature of his responsibilities: 'this devotion to duty! Who knows better than you how demanding it is!'
Fronto subsequently provided Marcus with a curated selection of reading materials and, to alleviate his apprehension regarding the progression of the Parthian War, a comprehensive and reflective letter replete with historical allusions. In contemporary editions of Fronto's collected works, this epistle is designated as De bello Parthico (On the Parthian War). Fronto's correspondence acknowledged past Roman setbacks but asserted that the Romans had invariably triumphed over their adversaries, concluding: 'Always and everywhere [Mars] has changed our troubles into successes and our terrors into triumphs.'
During the winter of 161–162, reports of an impending rebellion in Syria emerged, leading to the decision that Lucius would personally command the Parthian campaign. The rationale posited that Lucius possessed greater physical vigor than Marcus, rendering him more suitable for military endeavors. Lucius's biographer, however, proposed alternative motivations: to curb Lucius's excesses, instill frugality, reform his character through the rigors of warfare, and cultivate an imperial consciousness. Regardless of the underlying reasons, the Senate granted its approval, and Lucius departed in the summer of 162. Marcus, meanwhile, remained in Rome, as the capital purportedly 'demanded the presence of an emperor'.
Lucius primarily resided in Antioch throughout the campaign, though he spent winters in Laodicea and summers in Daphne, a recreational retreat located near Antioch. Contemporaries criticized Lucius's opulent habits, alleging that he engaged in gambling, 'diced the whole night through,' and frequently associated with theatrical performers. Libo's death occurred early in the conflict, prompting speculation that Lucius may have been responsible.
Midway through the war, potentially in autumn 163 or early 164, Lucius traveled to Ephesus for his marriage to Marcus's daughter, Lucilla. Marcus expedited the wedding date, possibly due to prior knowledge of Lucius's mistress, Panthea. Lucilla's thirteenth birthday occurred in March 163; thus, regardless of the precise marriage date, she had not yet reached the age of fifteen. Lucilla was escorted by her mother, Faustina, and Lucius's paternal half-brother, M. Vettulenus Civica Barbarus, who was appointed comes Augusti, signifying 'companion of the emperors'. Marcus likely intended for Civica to supervise Lucius, a role in which Libo had proven unsuccessful. Although Marcus reportedly informed the Senate of his intention to accompany the party to Smyrna, this plan did not materialize. He merely escorted the group to Brundisium, where they embarked on a voyage to the East. Immediately upon his return to Rome, he issued specific directives to his proconsuls, instructing them to withhold any official reception for the traveling party.
In 163, the Armenian capital of Artaxata was captured. By the close of that year, Lucius assumed the title Armeniacus, notwithstanding his lack of direct combat experience. Marcus, however, deferred accepting the title until the subsequent year. Nevertheless, when Lucius was once more acclaimed as imperator, Marcus promptly adopted the designation Imperator II alongside him.
The newly occupied territory of Armenia underwent reconstruction according to Roman principles. In 164, Artaxata was superseded by a new capital, Kaine Polis, meaning 'New City'. A new monarch, Gaius Julius Sohaemus, a Roman senator of consular standing and Arsacid lineage, was subsequently enthroned. His coronation may not have occurred in Armenia itself, with the ceremony potentially held in Antioch or even Ephesus. Sohaemus's enthronement was commemorated on imperial coinage from 164, bearing the legend Rex armeniis Datus, depicting Lucius seated on a throne with his staff while Sohaemus stood before him, offering salutations to the emperor.
During 163, Parthian forces intervened in Osroene, a Roman client state in upper Mesopotamia centered around Edessa, installing their own monarch. In retaliation, Roman legions advanced downstream, crossing the Euphrates at a more southerly location. Nevertheless, prior to the conclusion of 163, Roman forces had advanced northward to secure Dausara and Nicephorium, situated on the northern, Parthian-controlled bank. Following the subjugation of the Euphrates' northern bank, additional Roman contingents advanced into Osroene from Armenia, capturing Anthemusia, a town located southwest of Edessa.
By 165, Roman forces initiated an offensive into Mesopotamia. Edessa was subsequently re-occupied, and Mannus, the monarch previously deposed by the Parthians, was reinstated. The Parthians withdrew to Nisibis, which was also subjected to siege and capture. The Parthian army then dispersed along the Tigris River. Concurrently, a second Roman contingent, commanded by Avidius Cassius and comprising the III Gallica legion, advanced down the Euphrates and engaged in a significant battle at Dura.
By the close of the year, Cassius's forces had arrived at Mesopotamia's twin metropolises: Seleucia, situated on the right bank of the Tigris, and Ctesiphon, located on the left. Ctesiphon was captured, and its royal palace was set ablaze. The inhabitants of Seleucia, predominantly Greek (the city having been established as a capital of the Seleucid Empire, one of Alexander the Great's successor states), opened their gates to the invading forces. Despite this, the city was plundered, an act that significantly tarnished Lucius's reputation. Justifications were subsequently sought or fabricated, with the official narrative asserting that the Seleucids had initially violated their agreement.
Despite facing supply shortages and a plague contracted in Seleucia, Cassius's army successfully returned to Roman territory. Lucius was awarded the title Parthicus Maximus, and both he and Marcus were once more acclaimed as imperatores, thereby receiving the designation 'imp. III'. In 166, Cassius's forces re-entered the conflict, advancing across the Tigris River into Media. Lucius subsequently adopted the title 'Medicus', and the emperors were again honored as imperatores, achieving the 'imp. IV' designation within their imperial titulature. Following a strategic delay, Marcus then assumed the title Parthicus Maximus. On October 12 of the same year, Marcus officially declared his two sons, Annius and Commodus, as his successors.
The conflict with Germanic tribes (166–180 CE).
In the early 160s, Victorinus, Fronto's son-in-law, served as a legate in Germany. He resided there with his family, though one child remained in Rome with Fronto and his wife. The situation along the northern frontier appeared critical. A border outpost had been destroyed, indicating widespread unrest among the populations of central and northern Europe. Furthermore, corruption was prevalent among the officers, compelling Victorinus to demand the resignation of a legionary legate implicated in bribery.
Seasoned governors had been supplanted by associates and kin of the imperial household. Lucius Dasumius Tullius Tuscus, a distant relative of Hadrian, assumed governorship of Upper Pannonia, replacing the experienced Marcus Nonius Macrinus. Lower Pannonia was administered by the less prominent Tiberius Haterius Saturnius. Marcus Servilius Fabianus Maximus was transferred from Lower Moesia to Upper Moesia following Marcus Iallius Bassus's departure to join Lucius in Antioch. Pontius Laelianus's son subsequently governed Lower Moesia. The Dacias remained tripartite, each section overseen by a praetorian senator and two procurators. This fragile peace was unsustainable, particularly as Lower Pannonia lacked even a single legion.
Commencing in the 160s CE, Germanic tribes and other nomadic groups initiated incursions along the northern frontier, specifically targeting Gaul and regions across the Danube River. This westward migratory pressure likely stemmed from assaults by tribes situated further to the east. An initial invasion by the Chatti into the province of Germania Superior was successfully repelled in 162 CE.
A significantly more perilous invasion occurred in 166 CE, when the Marcomanni from Bohemia, who had been clients of the Roman Empire since 19 CE, breached the Danube alongside the Lombards and other Germanic tribes. Shortly thereafter, the Iranian Sarmatian Iazyges launched an assault in the territory situated between the Danube and Theiss rivers.
The Costoboci, originating from the Carpathian region, invaded Moesia, Macedonia, and Greece. Following an extended conflict, Marcus successfully repelled these invaders. A substantial number of Germanic tribesmen subsequently settled in border territories such as Dacia, Pannonia, Germany, and even within Italy. While such settlements were not unprecedented, the sheer volume of new inhabitants necessitated the establishment of two additional frontier provinces on the Danube's left bank: Sarmatia and Marcomannia, encompassing modern-day Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary. Certain Germanic tribes who had settled in Ravenna staged a revolt and successfully captured the city. Consequently, Marcus resolved not only to cease the relocation of further "barbarians" into Italy but also to expel those who had already been settled there. In 168 CE, the two emperors initiated a new military campaign, successfully expelling the invading Marcomanni and Quadi from Aquileia. Lucius Verus succumbed to illness, likely the plague, and died en route to Rome in January or February 169 CE.
Legal and Administrative Contributions.
Similar to numerous emperors, Marcus dedicated a significant portion of his time to legal affairs, including processing petitions and adjudicating disputes; however, unlike many of his predecessors, he possessed considerable expertise in imperial administration upon his accession. He demonstrated meticulous attention to both the theoretical and practical aspects of legislation. Legal scholars lauded him as "an emperor most skilled in the law" and "a most prudent and conscientiously just emperor." His particular interests within the legal framework encompassed three key domains: the manumission of slaves, the guardianship of orphans and minors, and the selection of city councillors (decuriones).
Marcus demonstrated profound deference to the Roman Senate, routinely seeking their authorization for expenditures despite possessing absolute imperial authority. In a notable address, Marcus himself reminded the Senate that the imperial palace he inhabited was not his personal property but theirs. In 168, he revalued the denarius, elevating its silver purity from 79% to 82%, which increased the actual silver weight from 2.57–2.67 g (0.091–0.094 oz). Nevertheless, two years later, he reverted to the prior values due to the military crises confronting the empire.
Commercial Interactions with Han China and the Onset of the Antonine Plague
A potential interaction with the Chinese Han dynasty (202 BC – 220 AD) is documented in 166, when a Roman traveler visited the Han court, presenting himself as an ambassador for "Andun" (Chinese: 安敦), the ruler of Daqin, who could be identified as either Marcus Aurelius or his predecessor Antoninus Pius. Archaeological findings include Republican-era Roman glasswares discovered in Guangzhou along the South China Sea, and Roman golden medallions from the reigns of Antoninus and possibly Marcus, unearthed at Óc Eo, Vietnam, then part of the Kingdom of Funan near the Chinese province of Jiaozhi (in northern Vietnam). This site may correspond to Kattigara, a port city described by Ptolemy (c. 150) as visited by a Greek sailor named Alexander and situated beyond the Golden Chersonese (i.e., the Malay Peninsula). Roman coins dating from Tiberius to Aurelian have been found in Xi'an, the location of the Han capital Chang'an; however, the significantly larger quantity of Roman coins in India suggests that Roman maritime trade for Chinese silk was primarily centered there, rather than directly in China or via the overland Silk Road through Persia.
The Antonine Plague originated in Mesopotamia in 165 or 166, coinciding with the conclusion of Lucius Verus's campaign against the Parthians, and potentially persisted into Commodus's reign. Galen, present in Rome when the plague reached the city in 166, documented symptoms including "fever, diarrhoea, and inflammation of the pharynx, along with dry or pustular eruptions of the skin after nine days." The disease is widely believed to have been smallpox. Historian Rafe de Crespigny posits a possible connection between this plague and those afflicting the Eastern Han empire of China during the reigns of Emperor Huan of Han (r. 146–168) and Emperor Ling of Han (r. 168–189), which occurred in 151, 161, 171, 173, 179, 182, and 185. Raoul McLaughlin suggests that the Roman subjects' journey to the Han court in 166 might have inaugurated a new era of Roman–Far East trade, yet it also served as a "harbinger of something much more ominous." According to McLaughlin, the disease inflicted "irreparable" damage upon Roman maritime trade in the Indian Ocean, evidenced by archaeological records spanning from Egypt to India, and substantially diminished Roman commercial activity in Southeast Asia.
Demise and Imperial Succession (180 CE)
Marcus Aurelius passed away at the age of 58 on March 17, 180, from unspecified causes, within his military quarters either in Vindobona (province of Pannonia Superior, modern Vienna) or near Sirmium (province of Pannonia Inferior, modern Sremska Mitrovica). He was immediately deified, and his ashes were transported to Rome, where they reposed in Hadrian's mausoleum (present-day Castel Sant'Angelo) until the Visigothic sack of the city in 410. His military campaigns against the Germans and Sarmatians were also commemorated by a column and a temple erected in Rome. Some scholars regard his death as marking the conclusion of the Pax Romana.
Marcus was succeeded by his son Commodus, whom he had designated Caesar in 166 and with whom he had co-ruled since 177. While biological sons of the emperor were typically considered heirs, this marked only the second instance of a "non-adoptive" son succeeding his father, the sole prior occurrence being a century earlier with Vespasian's succession by Titus. Historians have critically assessed Commodus's succession, citing his erratic conduct and deficiencies in political and military acumen. Concluding his historical account of Marcus's reign, Cassius Dio composed an encomium to the emperor and expressed sorrow regarding the transition to Commodus during his own lifetime.
Marcus did not experience the prosperity he merited, as he lacked physical robustness and encountered numerous challenges throughout nearly his entire reign. Nevertheless, I admire him precisely for this reason: amidst exceptional and formidable adversities, he not only endured personally but also safeguarded the empire. His sole impediment to complete contentment was the profound disappointment he suffered regarding his son, despite having raised and educated him optimally. This subject will be addressed next, as our historical narrative transitions from a golden age to one of iron and decay, mirroring the circumstances of the Romans during that period.
- –Dio lxxi. 36.3–4
Dio further notes that Marcus maintained an unwavering character, exhibiting no change from his initial days as counsellor to Antoninus through his final tenure as Roman emperor.
Michael Grant, in his work The Climax of Rome, offers the following assessment of Commodus:
The young man proved to be highly unpredictable, or at minimum, so fundamentally opposed to tradition that catastrophe became unavoidable. Regardless of whether Marcus should have foreseen this outcome, any rejection of his son's claims in favor of another candidate would almost certainly have precipitated one of the civil wars that subsequently plagued future imperial successions with devastating consequences.
Imperial Stance on Christians
During the initial two centuries of the Christian era, local Roman authorities primarily managed the persecution of Christians. Throughout the second century, emperors generally regarded Christianity as a localized issue to be handled by their subordinates. However, the frequency and intensity of Christian persecutions across different regions of the empire appeared to escalate during Marcus Aurelius's reign. The degree of the emperor's direct involvement, encouragement, or awareness of these persecutions remains a subject of considerable historical debate.
Marcus Aurelius references Christians only once within his personal philosophical work, the Meditations. In Book XI.3, he critiques what he considered their performative approach to martyrdom, asserting that the willingness to face death "must originate from an individual's internal conviction, rather than being merely a consequence of defiance [as observed in Christians]. It necessitates careful consideration and decorum, and if it is to persuade others, it must be devoid of any theatrical display."
A letter, purportedly authored by Marcus Aurelius and addressed to the Roman Senate, is preserved within Justin Martyr's First Apology. This document recounts a battlefield event where Marcus allegedly attributed the salvation of his army to Christian prayer when "water poured from heaven," subsequently requesting the Senate to halt Christian persecutions. Nevertheless, contemporary scholarship largely deems this letter inauthentic, suggesting its probable composition by Justin Martyr or another Christian writer, rather than by Marcus Aurelius himself. Concurrently, non-Christian historical accounts, including that of Cassius Dio, ascribe the identical "rain miracle" to an Egyptian magician named Harnuphis, who was present with the Roman legions.
Marital Life and Progeny
Marcus and his wife Faustina bore at least 14 children over their three-decade marriage, among whom were two sets of twins. One son and four daughters survived their father. Their offspring included:
- Domitia Faustina (147–151)
- Titus Aelius Antoninus (149)
- Titus Aelius Aurelius (149)
- Annia Aurelia Galeria Lucilla (150–182), who married her father's co-emperor Lucius Verus and subsequently Tiberius Claudius Pompeianus, producing offspring from both unions.
- Annia Galeria Aurelia Faustina (born 151), who married Gnaeus Claudius Severus and bore a son.
- Tiberius Aelius Antoninus (born 152, deceased prior to 156)
- Unidentified child (deceased prior to 158)
- Annia Aurelia Fadilla (born 159), who married Marcus Peducaeus Plautius Quintillus and produced offspring.
- Annia Cornificia Faustina Minor (born 160), who married Marcus Petronius Sura Mamertinus and bore a son.
- Titus Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus (161–165), the elder twin brother of Commodus.
- Lucius Aurelius Commodus Antoninus (Commodus) (161–192), the twin brother of Titus Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus, who later became emperor, married Bruttia Crispina but had no issue.
- Marcus Annius Verus Caesar (162–169)
- Hadrianus
- Vibia Aurelia Sabina (170 – deceased prior to 217), who married Lucius Antistius Burrus but had no issue.
Nerva–Antonine Dynastic Lineage
Literary Works and Enduring Influence
Meditations
During military campaigns between 170 and 180 CE, Marcus Aurelius composed his personal reflections, known as Meditations, in Greek, intending them as a guide for self-improvement. The work's original title, if any existed, remains unconfirmed. Titles such as Meditations and To Himself were subsequently attributed to the text. This philosophical treatise garnered admiration from figures including Frederick the Great, John Stuart Mill, Matthew Arnold, and Goethe. Numerous scholars regard it as a seminal work in philosophical literature. Sales figures for Meditations reached 16,000 copies in 2012, escalating to 100,000 copies by 2019.
The extent of Marcus Aurelius's writings' post-mortem circulation remains uncertain. Scattered ancient literary references suggest the widespread appeal of his philosophical tenets, and Julian the Apostate acknowledged his reputation as a philosopher, albeit without explicit mention of Meditations. The work persisted within the scholarly traditions of the Eastern Church, with the earliest extant quotations and the first explicit naming of the text (Marcus's writings to himself) appearing in the 10th century through Arethas of Caesarea and within the Byzantine Suda, potentially through Arethas's own insertions. Its initial publication occurred in 1558 in Zurich, undertaken by Wilhelm Xylander, utilizing a manuscript that was reportedly lost soon after. The most ancient complete manuscript copy still in existence is housed in the Vatican library and originates from the 14th century.
During his lifetime, Marcus Aurelius earned the appellation of a philosopher king, a title that endured posthumously, with both Dio and his biographer referring to him as "the philosopher." Christian writers, including Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, and Eusebius, similarly bestowed this title upon him. Eusebius, in particular, characterized him as "more philanthropic and philosophic" than Antoninus and Hadrian, deliberately contrasting him with persecuting emperors like Domitian and Nero to emphasize this distinction.
The historian Herodian observed:
Among emperors, he uniquely demonstrated his erudition not merely through rhetoric or theoretical philosophical understanding, but through his impeccable character and disciplined lifestyle.
Iain King posits that Marcus Aurelius's legacy was ultimately tragic:
The emperor's Stoic philosophy—encompassing self-restraint, duty, and respect for others—was profoundly forsaken by the imperial lineage he designated upon his demise.
Equestrian Statue
The equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius in Rome stands as the sole Roman equestrian sculpture to have endured into the contemporary era. Fashioned from bronze around c. 175 CE, the monument measures 11.6 feet (3.5 meters) in height and is presently housed within the Capitoline Museums in Rome. The emperor's extended hand signifies an offer of clemency to a vanquished foe, while his fatigued facial expression, indicative of the strain from Rome's almost continuous military engagements, potentially marks a departure from conventional classical sculptural norms.
Column of Marcus Aurelius
The victory column of Marcus Aurelius, erected in Rome either during his final years or posthumously and completed in 193 CE, was constructed to commemorate his triumph over the Sarmatians and Germanic tribes in 176 CE. A continuous spiral of carved reliefs encircles the column, illustrating episodes from his military campaigns. An original statue of Marcus Aurelius once crowned the column but vanished during the medieval period. In 1589, Pope Sixtus V substituted it with a statue of Saint Paul. Scholars frequently draw comparisons between the Column of Marcus Aurelius and Trajan's Column, noting their shared Doric style, the presence of a base pedestal, sculpted friezes depicting their respective military victories, and a crowning statue.
- List of Roman emperors
Notes
Citations
All references to the Historia Augusta pertain to specific biographies and are denoted by the abbreviation 'HA'. References to Fronto's writings are cross-referenced with C.R. Haines's Loeb edition.
Bibliography
Ancient Sources
Modern Scholarship
- Texts on Wikisource:
- The Thoughts of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus
- "Marcus Aurelius Antoninus." In Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, 1907."Marcus Aurelius Antoninus." In Encyclopædia Britannica, Vol. 17 (11th ed.), 1911, pp. 693–696."Aurelius Antoninus, Marcus." In The New Student's Reference Work, 1914.
- Marcus Aurelius Archived 27 June 2018 at the Wayback Machine at the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy