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Confucianism

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Confucianism

Confucianism

Confucianism , also known as Ruism or Ru classicism , is a system of thought and behavior originating in ancient China, and is variously described as a…

Confucianism, alternatively termed Ruism or Ru classicism, represents a comprehensive system of thought and conduct that emerged in ancient China, characterized variously as a tradition, philosophical framework, religious doctrine, governmental theory, or a complete way of life. Established by Confucius during the Hundred Schools of Thought period (circa 500 BCE), this system unifies philosophy, ethics, and social governance, emphasizing virtue, societal harmony, and familial obligations.

Confucianism, also known as Ruism or Ru classicism, is a system of thought and behavior originating in ancient China, and is variously described as a tradition, philosophy, religion, theory of government, or way of life. Founded by Confucius in the Hundred Schools of Thought era (c. 500 BCE), Confucianism integrates philosophy, ethics, and social governance, with a core focus on virtue, social harmony, and familial responsibility.

Central to Confucianism is the cultivation of virtue, achieved through both individual self-improvement and collective societal endeavor. Fundamental virtues encompass ren (仁, "benevolence"), yi (義; "righteousness"), li (禮; "propriety"), zhi (智; "wisdom"), and xin (信; "sincerity"). These principles are intrinsically linked to the concept of tian (天; "Heaven"), articulating a philosophical perspective where human interactions and societal structure reflect sacred moral imperatives. Although Confucianism does not posit an omnipotent deity, it reveres tian as a supreme moral authority.

Confucius perceived his role as a conservator and disseminator of cultural tenets inherited from the earlier Xia, Shang, and Western Zhou dynasties. Following its suppression during the Legalist Qin dynasty (circa 200 BCE), Confucianism experienced a resurgence under the Han dynasty (circa 130 BCE), where it supplanted the proto-Taoist Huang–Lao tradition to establish itself as the prevailing ideological paradigm, concurrently integrating elements of Legalism's practical doctrines. The Tang dynasty (circa 600 CE) saw the emergence of Neo-Confucianism, a philosophical reinterpretation developed in response to the growing prominence of Buddhism and Taoism. This refined system subsequently became integral to the imperial examination system and the intellectual elite of the Song dynasty (circa 1000 CE).

The official endorsement of Confucianism waned following the abolition of the imperial examination system in 1905. During the early 20th century, Chinese reformers increasingly linked Confucianism to China's "Century of Humiliation," leading them to adopt alternative doctrines such as Sun Yat-sen's "Three Principles of the People" and, subsequently, Maoism. Despite this, Confucianism persisted as a significant cultural influence, shaping East Asian economic and social frameworks well into the contemporary period. The Confucian work ethic has been recognized for its contribution to the economic ascent of East Asia in the late twentieth century.

Confucianism continues to exert considerable influence across China, Korea, Japan, Vietnam, and various regions hosting substantial Chinese diaspora communities. A contemporary Confucian resurgence has gathered impetus within academic and cultural spheres, notably culminating in the establishment of a national Confucian Church in China in 2015, which signifies a renewed appreciation for Confucian principles as a bedrock for societal and ethical norms.

American philosopher Herbert Fingarette characterizes Confucianism as a philosophical framework that perceives "the secular as sacred".

Terminology

No single Chinese term precisely translates to "Confucianism." The most approximate comprehensive term is rú (儒), which in modern Chinese denotes 'scholar,' 'learned,' or 'refined man.' In Old Chinese, however, this term carried a distinct set of connotations, including 'to tame,' 'to mould,' 'to educate,' and 'to refine.' Various terms, some of contemporary origin, are employed in different contexts to articulate the diverse aspects of Confucianism, such as:

Notably, the terms incorporating ru entirely omit the name "Confucius," instead emphasizing the archetype of the Confucian individual. Consequently, some contemporary scholars have opted to eschew "Confucianism" in favor of "Ruism" and "Ruists." Robert Eno contends that the term "Confucianism" has been "burdened... with the ambiguities and irrelevant traditional associations," asserting that "Ruism" more accurately reflects the original Chinese designation for this intellectual tradition.

David Schaberg proposed the term "Traditionalist" to highlight the profound significance Confucius attributed to historical connections, established norms, and inherited traditions. This interpretation of the word ru is also supported by scholars such as Yuri Pines.

Zhou Youguang posits that ru initially denoted shamanic ritual practices predating Confucius; however, with Confucius, its meaning evolved to signify a commitment to disseminating these teachings for the advancement of civilization among the populace.

While the water character frequently symbolizes Confucianism in Western contexts, this association is not prevalent in contemporary China.

The Five Classics and the Confucian Perspective

Historically, Confucius was believed to have authored or edited the Five Classics, which served as foundational texts for Confucianism. These texts were subsequently compiled into their definitive versions approximately 500 years later by the Imperial Librarian Liu Xin. Scholar Yao Xinzhong acknowledges the plausibility that Confucian classics developed under Confucius's influence, yet cautions that "nothing can be taken for granted in the matter of the early versions of the classics." A sixth classic, the Classic of Music, analogous to the Classic of Poetry, was lost during the Han dynasty. Music was considered an indispensable instrument for enhancing concentration during rituals, representing an internal element that, alongside external rites, was crucial for societal harmony. Yao further indicates that most contemporary scholars adopt a "pragmatic" stance, suggesting that Confucius and his disciples did not explicitly aim to establish a canonical system of classics but nonetheless "contributed to their formation."

Scholar Tu Weiming interprets these classics as embodying "five visions" that underpin the evolution of Confucianism:

Core Doctrines

Theoretical Framework and Theology

Confucianism centers on achieving unity between the individual self and tian ("heaven"), representing the fundamental relationship between humanity and the divine. The principle or path of Heaven, referred to as tian li or tian tao, constitutes the cosmic order and the origin of divine authority. Both Tian li and tian tao are understood as monistic, signifying their singular and indivisible nature. Through contemplating this inherent order, individuals can realize their humanity and attain oneness with Heaven. This personal transformation extends to the family and societal spheres, fostering a harmonious community. Joël Thoraval's research on Confucianism as a pervasive civil religion in modern China revealed its manifestation through the widespread veneration of five cosmological entities: Heaven and Earth (地; dì), the sovereign or government (君; jūn), ancestors (親; qīn), and masters (師; shī).

Scholar Stephan Feuchtwang posits that within Chinese cosmology, a framework shared across numerous Chinese religions beyond Confucianism, "the universe creates itself out of a primary chaos of material energy" (hundun and qi), subsequently organizing itself through the inherent yin and yang polarity that defines all existence and life. Consequently, creation is understood as a continuous process of ordering, rather than creation ex nihilo. Yin and yang represent the invisible and visible, the receptive and the active, the unshaped and the shaped; they characterize phenomena such as the annual cycle (winter and summer), landscapes (shady and bright), genders (female and male), and even sociopolitical history (disorder and order). Confucianism endeavors to identify "middle ways" or balances between yin and yang in every evolving global configuration.

Confucianism harmonizes the internal and external dimensions of spiritual development—encompassing both self-cultivation and the redemption of the world—through the ideal of "sageliness within and kingliness without." Ren, often translated as "humaneness" or the fundamental essence of a human being, embodies a compassionate mindset. It is considered a virtue bestowed by Heaven and simultaneously the path through which an individual can achieve unity with Heaven by understanding their divine origin. In his treatise The Book of Great Unity (大同書), Kang Youwei, a reformer from the late Qing dynasty, regarded ren as the method "to form one body with all things," asserting that ren is realized "when the self and others are not separated... and when compassion is aroused."

The terms "Lord Heaven" and "Jade Emperor" designated a supreme Confucian deity, an anthropomorphized representation of tian, with some interpretations considering these names synonymous.

Tian and Divine Beings

Tian, a pivotal concept in Chinese philosophy, encompasses various meanings: the God of Heaven, the celestial zenith and its revolving stars, the inherent laws of earthly nature derived from Heaven, the totality of 'Heaven and Earth' (signifying "all things"), and the formidable forces beyond human dominion. Due to its multifaceted applications in Chinese thought, a singular English translation for Tian is not feasible.

Confucius employed the term tian in a mystical context. In the Analects (7.23), he asserted that tian bestowed life upon him, and that tian observed and judged (6.28; 9.12). Confucius further stated (9.5) that individuals could comprehend the movements of tian, thereby gaining a sense of their unique position within the cosmos. In 17.19, he indicated that tian communicated with him, albeit non-verbally. Scholar Ronnie Littlejohn cautions against interpreting tian as a personal deity akin to those in Abrahamic religions, specifically not as an otherworldly or transcendent creator. Instead, Littlejohn suggests its similarity to the Taoist concept of Dao, defined as "the way things are" or "the regularities of the world." Stephan Feuchtwang draws a parallel between this and the ancient Greek notion of physis, which signifies "nature" as the process of generation and regeneration of phenomena and the moral framework. Furthermore, Tian can be likened to the Brahman found in Hindu and Vedic traditions. Building on Robert B. Louden's work, scholar Promise Hsu interpreted Analects 17:19 ("What does Tian ever say? Yet there are four seasons going round and there are the hundred things coming into being. What does Tian say?") as implying that while Tian lacks a "speaking person" attribute, it perpetually "acts" through natural rhythms, conveying "how human beings ought to live and act" to those attuned to its subtle communications.

Duanmu Ci, a disciple of Confucius, affirmed that Tian had guided the master toward sagacity (9.6). Confucius himself stated (7.23) his unwavering conviction that Tian had granted him life, from which he cultivated proper virtue (de). Moreover, in 8.19, he articulated that the existence of sages is intrinsically linked with Tian.

Concerning personal deities (shen), understood as energies emanating from and perpetuating Tian that animate nature, Confucius asserted in the Analects that it is appropriate (yi) for individuals to engage in their worship (敬; jìng). This worship, however, must be conducted exclusively through proper rites (li), signifying deference to established roles and judicious conduct. Confucius himself served as a master of rituals and sacrifices.

In response to a disciple's query (3.13) regarding the preference between sacrificing to the stove god or the family god (a common adage), Confucius stated that proper supplication to deities necessitates prior knowledge and reverence for Heaven. He further elucidated (3.12) that religious rituals foster profound experiences, emphasizing the necessity of personal participation and active presence in sacrifices; otherwise, "it is the same as not having sacrificed at all." These rites and sacrifices to deities possess significant ethical implications, contributing to a virtuous life by facilitating the transcendence of the individual self. Analects 10.11 records that Confucius consistently offered a portion of his food in sacrificial bowls to his ancestors.

Certain Confucian movements venerate Confucius, though not as a supreme being or an entity possessing power comparable to tian or the tao, nor as a deity from Chinese folk religion. These specific movements do not constitute mainstream Confucianism, despite the often indistinct demarcation between Chinese folk religion and Confucianism.

Other philosophical currents, such as Mohism—subsequently integrated into Taoism—cultivated a more theistic conceptualization of Heaven. Feuchtwang clarifies that the fundamental distinction between Confucianism and Taoism resides in Confucianism's emphasis on manifesting the celestial order of Heaven within human society, whereas Taoism prioritizes the contemplation of the Dao as it spontaneously emerges in nature. Nevertheless, Confucianism reveres numerous natural phenomena and acknowledges various tao, including what Confucius identified as the principal tao, the "Way of Heaven."

The "Way of Heaven" encompasses "lifelong and sincere devotion to traditional cultural forms" and the principle of wu wei, which denotes "a state of spontaneous harmony between individual inclinations and the sacred Way."

Kelly James Clark posited that Confucius perceived Tian as an anthropomorphic deity, which Clark hypothetically termed the "Heavenly Supreme Emperor." However, this interpretation is largely contested by the majority of Confucian scholars.

Social Morality and Ethics

Stephan Feuchtwang posits that a celestial order maintains global equilibrium, necessitating human adherence to a "middle way" that balances yin and yang forces within evolving realities. Within this framework, social harmony and morality are equated with patriarchy, which manifests through the veneration of ancestors and deified male progenitors at designated ancestral shrines.

Confucian ethical frameworks are characterized by their humanistic orientation. These principles are universally applicable across societal strata. Central to Confucian ethics is the cultivation of virtues, notably encapsulated by the Five Constants, which were systematically developed by Confucian scholars during the Han dynasty, drawing upon established traditions. These Five Constants include:

Complementing these are the classical four virtues (四字; sìzì), one of which (Yi) also appears within the Five Constants:

Numerous other values are traditionally associated with Confucianism, including 'honesty' (诚; chéng), 'bravery' (勇; yǒng), 'incorruptibility' (廉; lián), 'kindness', 'forgiveness' (恕; shù), a 'sense of right and wrong' (耻; chǐ), 'gentleness' (温; wēn), 'kindheartedness' (良; liáng), 'respect' (恭; gōng), 'frugality' (俭; jiǎn), and 'modesty' (让; ràng).

Ren

Ren (仁 ) represents the paramount Confucian virtue, signifying the inherent moral excellence of an individual striving for elevated ideals or demonstrating altruism. Confucius posited that Ren integrates benevolence, trustworthiness, courage, compassion, empathy, and reciprocity. This virtue is regarded as the fundamental essence of humanity, divinely bestowed by Heaven, and serves as the conduit through which individuals align with and ultimately unify with the celestial principle.

The manifestation of Ren occurs within interpersonal relationships and is fostered through adherence to appropriate Li. Li, understood as ritual propriety, directs human conduct in cultivating and articulating Ren. This principle governs essential human interactions, including those between parents and children, spouses, siblings, and friends, thereby establishing the bedrock for a harmonious society. When Yan Hui, Confucius's most distinguished disciple, inquired about the parameters of Ren, Confucius responded, "If it is contrary to ritual, do not look; if it is contrary to ritual, do not listen; if it is contrary to ritual, do not speak; if it is contrary to ritual, do not act."

Furthermore, Ren constitutes a pivotal tenet within Confucian political philosophy: a sovereign possessing the Mandate of Heaven is characterized by profound virtue, governing through moral exemplification and prioritizing the populace's welfare.

Rite and centring

The term Li (礼; 禮) holds its most significant application within Confucian and post-Confucian Chinese philosophical discourse. While Li is commonly rendered as 'rite' or 'ritual,' its manifestation in human social conduct has also led to translations such as 'customs,' 'measures,' and 'rules,' among other designations. Additionally, Li denotes religious ceremonies that forge connections between humanity and the divine.

Stephan Feuchtwang asserts that rites are conceptualized as the mechanism "making the invisible visible," thereby enabling human cultivation of nature's inherent order. When executed properly, rituals align society with terrestrial and celestial (astral) forces, thereby establishing equilibrium among the three fundamental realms: Heaven, Earth, and humanity. This specific practice is termed "centering" (央; yāng or 中; zhōng). Within the entirety of creation, humans are considered "central" due to their unique capacity to cultivate and centralize natural forces.

Li encompasses the intricate network of interactions among humanity, human artifacts, and nature. Confucius integrates into his discourse on li a wide array of subjects, including learning, tea drinking, titles, mourning, and governance. Xunzi identifies "songs and laughter, weeping and lamentation... rice and millet, fish and meat... the wearing of ceremonial caps, embroidered robes, and patterned silks, or of fasting clothes and mourning clothes... spacious rooms and secluded halls, soft mats, couches and benches" as fundamental components of li.

Confucius conceptualized effective governance as being directed by the principles of li. Some Confucians proposed that all human beings can achieve self-perfection through the study and application of li. Consequently, Confucian thought advocates for governments to prioritize li, thereby diminishing their reliance on punitive measures in administration.

Loyalty

Loyalty (忠; zhōng) held particular significance for the social stratum from which most of Confucius's disciples originated, as the primary pathway for an aspiring scholar to attain a distinguished official position involved entry into the imperial civil service.

Confucius himself did not assert that power confers righteousness; instead, he posited that a superior's authority warranted obedience due to their moral integrity. Furthermore, loyalty, in this context, does not imply uncritical subservience to authority. This distinction arises from the reciprocal obligations expected of the superior. As articulated by Confucius, "a prince ought to engage his minister in accordance with the principles of propriety; ministers, in turn, should serve their prince with unwavering faithfulness (loyalty)."

In a similar vein, Mencius observed that "when the prince regards his ministers as his hands and feet, his ministers regard their prince as their belly and heart; when he regards them as his dogs and horses, they regard him as another man; when he regards them as the ground or as grass, they regard him as a robber and an enemy." Furthermore, Mencius asserted that an incompetent ruler ought to be deposed. Should a ruler prove malevolent, the populace possesses the legitimate right to depose him. A virtuous Confucian is additionally obligated to offer remonstrance to superiors when circumstances necessitate. Concurrently, an exemplary Confucian sovereign is expected to heed the counsel of his ministers, recognizing that such advice contributes to more effective governance of the realm.

Subsequently, however, the focus frequently shifted, prioritizing the duties of the governed towards the ruler over the ruler's responsibilities to the populace. Similar to filial piety, loyalty was frequently manipulated by China's autocratic regimes. Nevertheless, across various historical periods, numerous Confucians persistently challenged unjust superiors and rulers. Many endured suffering and, at times, death due to their convictions and actions. During the Ming-Qing period, influential Confucian scholars like Wang Yangming advocated for individuality and autonomous thought, presenting these as antidotes to uncritical obedience to authority. The renowned philosopher Huang Zongxi also vehemently critiqued the autocratic characteristics of the imperial system, seeking to impose constraints on imperial power.

Numerous Confucians also recognized the inherent potential for conflict between loyalty and filial piety. This tension was particularly evident during periods of societal upheaval, such as the Ming-Qing dynastic transition.

Filial piety

In Confucian philosophy, "filial piety" (孝; xiào) denotes a fundamental virtue encompassing respect for one's parents and ancestors, alongside adherence to societal hierarchies, specifically those between father and son, elder and junior, and male and female. The Confucian classic Xiaojing ("Book of Piety"), believed to have been composed during the Qin or Han dynasties, has historically served as the definitive text concerning the Confucian principle of xiao. This text, structured as a dialogue between Confucius and his disciple Zeng Shen, elucidates the establishment of an ideal society through the application of the xiao principle.

Broadly defined, filial piety encompasses benevolence and care towards one's parents. It also mandates exemplary conduct both within and outside the home, thereby honoring one's parents and ancestors. Furthermore, it requires diligent professional performance to secure financial support for parents and to facilitate ancestral sacrifices. Other tenets include non-rebelliousness, demonstrating love, respect, and unwavering support. Within this framework, a wife is expected to exhibit absolute obedience to her husband and to diligently manage the household. Additional aspects involve displaying courtesy, ensuring the continuation of male lineage, and fostering fraternal harmony. It also involves offering judicious counsel to parents, even to the extent of dissuading them from morally questionable actions, as unquestioning obedience is not deemed true xiao. Finally, it necessitates expressing grief during their illness and upon their death, followed by the performance of post-mortem sacrifices.

Filial piety holds a paramount position as a virtue within Chinese culture, serving as a central theme in numerous narratives. Among these, "The Twenty-four Filial Exemplars" stands out as a particularly renowned compilation. These tales illustrate historical instances of children demonstrating filial devotion. Despite China's historical religious diversity, filial piety has consistently permeated nearly all belief systems. Historian Hugh D.R. Baker identifies respect for the family as the sole unifying element across virtually all Chinese religious adherents.

Relationships

Social harmony is partly contingent upon each individual understanding their position within the established order and fulfilling their roles effectively. The concept of reciprocity, or responsibility (renqing), transcends filial piety, encompassing the full spectrum of social interactions, including deference to rulers. This principle is exemplified in the narrative where Duke Jing of Qi consults Confucius regarding governance, specifically concerning the proper administration required to achieve societal equilibrium:

Specific obligations emerge from an individual's distinct relational context. An individual concurrently occupies multiple relational roles: as a junior to parents and elders, and as a senior to younger siblings, students, and other subordinates. In Confucian thought, while juniors are expected to show reverence to their seniors, seniors are likewise bound by duties of benevolence and concern towards their juniors. This reciprocal dynamic also characterizes the husband-wife relationship, wherein the husband is obligated to demonstrate benevolence, and the wife, in turn, is expected to show respect. This principle of mutuality persists in East Asian cultures to the present day.

Particular duties arise from one's particular situation in relation to others. The individual stands simultaneously in several different relationships with different people: as a junior in relation to parents and elders, and as a senior in relation to younger siblings, students, and others. While juniors are considered in Confucianism to owe their seniors reverence, seniors also have duties of benevolence and concern toward juniors. The same is true with the husband and wife relationship where the husband needs to show benevolence towards his wife and the wife needs to respect the husband in return. This theme of mutuality still exists in East Asian cultures even to this day.

The Five Bonds delineate key societal relationships: ruler to subject, father to son, husband to wife, elder brother to younger brother, and friend to friend. Each participant within these relational dyads was assigned specific prescribed duties. These obligations also extend posthumously, with the living assuming the role of sons to their departed family members. Notably, the friend-to-friend relationship is unique in not emphasizing deference to elders; instead, it prioritizes mutual and equal respect. These duties are practically manifested through prescribed rituals, such as those observed in weddings and funerals.

Junzi

The junzi is a Chinese philosophical concept frequently rendered as "gentleman" or "superior person." Originally signifying "son of a lord," junzi was reinterpreted by Confucius in the Analects to denote an individual possessing noble character and profound ethical virtue.

Within Confucian philosophy, the sage represents the ultimate ideal personality, though attaining this status is exceptionally challenging. Consequently, Confucius introduced the model of the junzi, a state achievable by any individual through rigorous self-discipline of both mind and action. The Song dynasty Confucian philosopher Zhu Xi positioned the junzi as second in stature only to the sage. The junzi exhibits numerous distinguishing traits, including the capacity to endure poverty, a preference for action over excessive speech, and qualities of loyalty, obedience, and extensive knowledge. The junzi is characterized by self-discipline. The cultivation of ren is considered foundational for achieving the status of a junzi.

A ruler's son, destined for national leadership, is cultivated to embody a superior ethical and moral standing, achieving inner tranquility through virtuous conduct. The junzi asserts authority over subjects by demonstrating personal virtue, a practice believed to inspire emulation. The ultimate aim is for governance to mirror familial dynamics, with the junzi serving as an exemplar of filial piety. Confucius posited that the junzi upheld governmental functions and social hierarchy through adherence to ethical principles. Notably, despite its literal meaning, any upright individual committed to self-improvement can attain the status of a junzi.

In stark contrast to the junzi, the xiaoren (小人; xiăorén), characterized as small-minded or morally inferior individuals, fail to comprehend the significance of virtues, pursuing solely immediate gratification. These petty individuals exhibit egocentrism, disregarding the broader implications of their actions. A ruler surrounded by xiaoren rather than junzi would inevitably lead to detrimental governance and societal suffering, attributable to their narrow perspectives. Illustrative examples of xiaoren encompass those perpetually engrossed in sensual and emotional indulgences, as well as politicians solely motivated by power and renown, neither of whom genuinely prioritizes the long-term welfare of others.

Rectification of Names

Confucius posited that societal disarray frequently originated from an inability to accurately perceive, comprehend, and engage with reality. Consequently, he argued that social disorder fundamentally arises from the failure to assign correct appellations to phenomena, proposing the "rectification of names" (正名; zhèngmíng) as a remedy. He elucidated this concept to one of his disciples:

Zi-lu said, "The vassal of Wei has been waiting for you, in order with you to administer the government. What will you consider the first thing to be done?"
The Master replied, "What is necessary to rectify names."
"So! indeed!" said Zi-lu. "You are wide off the mark! Why must there be such rectification?"
The Master said, "How uncultivated you are, Yu! The superior man [Junzi] cannot care about the everything, just as he cannot go to check all himself!
        If names be not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things.
        If language be not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be carried on to success.
        When affairs cannot be carried on to success, proprieties and music do not flourish.
        When proprieties and music do not flourish, punishments will not be properly awarded.
        When punishments are not properly awarded, the people do not know how to move hand or foot.
Therefore a superior man considers it necessary that the names he uses may be spoken appropriately, and also that what he speaks may be carried out appropriately. What the superior man requires is just that in his words there may be nothing incorrect."
(Analects XIII, 3, translated by Legge)

Chapter 22 of Xunzi, titled "On the Rectification of Names," asserts that ancient sage-kings selected names (名; míng) that precisely aligned with actualities (實; shí). However, subsequent generations introduced terminological confusion and novel nomenclature, thereby losing the capacity to differentiate between right and wrong. Given the paramount importance of social harmony, it is argued that without the accurate rectification of names, society would fundamentally disintegrate, rendering "undertakings [would] not [be] completed."

History

Metaphysical Antecedents

He Guanghu posits that Confucianism represents a continuous evolution of the official Shang-Zhou religion (c. 1600–256 BC) or, alternatively, the indigenous Chinese religious tradition that has persisted for three millennia without interruption. Both dynasties venerated a supreme divine entity, referred to as Shangdi ('Highest Deity') or Di by the Shang, and Tian ('Heaven') by the Zhou. Shangdi was conceptualized as the primordial ancestor of the Shang royal lineage, also known as the "Supreme Progenitor" (上甲; Shàngjiǎ). Shang theological perspectives integrated the diverse deities of nature and ancestral spirits as components of Di. Di is understood to manifest as the Wufang Shangdi, with the winds (風; fēng) embodying its cosmic volition. Following the overthrow of the Shang by the Zhou dynasty, the designation for the supreme divine entity transitioned to tian. Whereas the Shang identified Shangdi as their ancestral deity to substantiate their divine right to rule, the Zhou reinterpreted this claim, grounding legitimacy in moral authority, specifically the Mandate of Heaven. Within Zhou theology, Tian was not associated with a singular earthly descendant but rather conferred divine favor upon morally upright sovereigns. Zhou monarchs asserted that their triumph over the Shang resulted from their own virtue and benevolence towards their populace, contrasting with the Shang, who were depicted as tyrannical and consequently stripped of power by Tian.

John C. Didier and David Pankenier propose a connection between the forms of the ancient Chinese characters for Di and Tian and stellar configurations in the northern sky. Didier's hypothesis suggests these characters were derived by linking constellations that enclose the north celestial pole, forming a square. Pankenier's theory, conversely, posits their origin from connecting specific stars within the constellations of the Big Dipper, the broader Ursa Major, and Ursa Minor (Little Dipper). Across various global cultures, these particular stars or constellations have similarly been interpreted as emblems representing the genesis of existence, the ultimate divine authority, divinity itself, and sovereign power. Furthermore, the supreme divine entity was equated with the dragon, a symbol of boundless power (qi) and of the mutable, primordial force that unifies both yin and yang. This association extends to the constellation Draco, which encircles the north ecliptic pole and appears to weave between the Little and Big Dipper.

The decline of Zhou traditions.

By the 6th century BC, the authority of Tian and its terrestrial representations—including urban architecture, temples, altars, ritual vessels, and the Zhou ritual system—had become fragmented. Various potentates within the Zhou states appropriated these symbols to legitimize their economic, political, and military aspirations. Direct communication with the divine ceased to be an exclusive prerogative of the Zhou royal lineage. Instead, access to the authority of Tian became attainable by anyone capable of funding the intricate ceremonies and the established and novel rites.

Concurrently with the decline of the Zhou ritual system, 'wild' (野; yě) traditions—defined as practices external to the official framework—emerged as alternative methods to ascertain the will of Tian. With the disintegration of central political authority following the collapse of the Western Zhou, the populace's confidence in the official tradition eroded, as it was no longer considered an efficacious means of communicating with Heaven. Consequently, the traditions associated with the 'Nine Fields' (九野) and the Yijing experienced a period of significant growth. Confronted with this crisis of legitimacy, Chinese intellectuals diversified into the "Hundred Schools of Thought," each proposing a distinct philosophical framework for interpreting global phenomena.

Confucius (551–479 BC) emerged during a period characterized by significant political restructuring and profound spiritual inquiry. Educated in the Shang–Zhou traditions, he played a pivotal role in their transmission and reformulation, emphasizing self-cultivation, human agency, and the transformative capacity of an individual's self-establishment to aid others in their own development (encapsulated in the 愛人; àirén; 'principle of loving others'). The collapse of the Zhou dynasty led to the abandonment of traditional values, precipitating a perceived era of moral decay. Confucius identified an imperative to reintroduce compassion and traditional values into society, aiming to reconstruct what he considered the pristine moral order of ancient times. His disillusionment with contemporary culture, dissenting scholars, and religious authorities prompted him to develop an ethical interpretation of traditional Zhou religious practices. He posited that the pervasive power of Tian favorably responds to a sincere heart motivated by humaneness, righteousness, decency, and altruism. Confucius regarded these virtues as essential for re-establishing socio-political harmony. While acknowledging, like many of his contemporaries, the efficacy of ritual practices in accessing Tian, Confucius contended that the critical element was the reverent inner disposition cultivated by participants before performing ritual acts. Tradition attributes to Confucius the amendment and recodification of classical texts from the Xia-Shang-Zhou dynasties, as well as the authorship of the Spring and Autumn Annals.

The Emergence of Confucianism

During the Warring States period, philosophers, encompassing both proponents of state-sanctioned ritual and those independent of it, expanded upon Confucius's legacy, as documented in the Analects. They formulated the classical metaphysics that subsequently defined Confucianism. Consistent with Confucius's teachings, these thinkers equated mental tranquility with the state of Tian, or 'the One' (一; Yī), perceiving it as the divinely endowed capacity within each individual to govern their own existence and influence the world. Furthermore, they elaborated on this theory by positing the unity of creation and reabsorption into a cosmic origin, and the potential for individuals to comprehend and subsequently reintegrate with this source through an appropriate mental state. This philosophical trajectory profoundly influenced all subsequent Chinese mystical theories and practices, both individual and collective-political.

During the Han dynasty, Confucian scholars, notably beginning with Dong Zhongshu, integrated Warring States Confucianism with concepts of yin and yang, wuxing, folk superstitions, and the preceding philosophical traditions that culminated in the School of Naturalists.

By the 460s, Confucianism was in competition with Chinese Buddhism. At this time, "traditional Confucianism" constituted "a broad cosmology that encompassed both personal ethics and spiritual beliefs," tracing its origins back to Confucian philosophers from more than a millennium prior.

The Decline of Confucianism

The Confucian examination system was systematically abolished across East Asia: in Korea in 1894, in China in 1905, and in Vietnam in 1919. This abolition signified that adherence to Confucian ideology ceased to be a mandatory requirement for careers in civil service or politics, thereby enabling individuals espousing alternative ideologies, particularly Nationalism and Socialism, to achieve prominent societal roles.

Organizational Structure and Liturgical Practices

Since the turn of the millennium, a discernible trend indicates an increasing identification of the Chinese intellectual class with Confucianism. In 2003, the Confucian scholar Kang Xiaoguang articulated a manifesto proposing four key recommendations: the integration of Confucian education into all levels of official schooling, from elementary to high school; the legal establishment of Confucianism as the state religion; the assimilation of Confucian religious practices into the daily lives of ordinary citizens through the standardization and development of doctrines, rituals, organizations, places of worship, and activity centers; and the dissemination of Confucianism via non-governmental organizations. Jiang Qing represents another contemporary advocate for the institutionalization of Confucianism within a state-sanctioned religious framework.

The year 2005 marked the establishment of the Center for the Study of Confucian Religion, coinciding with the integration of guoxue into public school curricula across all educational tiers. This initiative garnered significant public acceptance, leading to the appearance of Confucian preachers on television broadcasts beginning in 2006. Prominent New Confucians assert the distinctiveness and preeminence of Confucian Chinese culture, thereby fostering public opposition to Western cultural influences within China.

The concept of a "Confucian church" serving as China's state religion originated from the philosophical contributions of Kang Youwei, a key figure in early New Confucianism. Kang advocated for the revitalization of Confucianism's societal importance during a period when its institutional framework had dissolved following the collapse of the Qing dynasty and the Chinese empire. Kang envisioned his ideal "Confucian Church" as a hierarchical and centralized entity, mirroring European national Christian churches. This institution would be intrinsically linked to the state, featuring local branches dedicated to the veneration and dissemination of Confucius's teachings.

The contemporary Confucian revival in China manifests through several interconnected developments: an increase in Confucian schools and academies, the re-emergence of Confucian rites, and the establishment of novel forms of popular Confucian engagement, exemplified by Confucian communities (社區儒學; shèqū rúxué). Additionally, certain scholars interpret the restoration of lineage churches and their ancestral temples, alongside the cults and temples dedicated to natural and national deities within the broader framework of Chinese traditional religion, as integral components of this Confucian renewal.

Further manifestations of this revival include salvationist folk religious movements with a distinct Confucian orientation, as well as dedicated Confucian churches. Notable examples encompass the Yīdān xuétáng (一耽學堂) in Beijing, the Mèngmǔtáng (孟母堂) in Shanghai, Confucian Shenism (also referred to as "phoenix churches"), the Confucian Fellowship (儒教道壇; Rújiào Dàotán) in northern Fujian, which has experienced rapid expansion since its inception, and ancestral temples of the Kong lineage (descendants of Confucius) that function as centers for Confucian instruction.

Furthermore, the Hong Kong Confucian Academy, a direct successor to Kang Youwei's vision of a Confucian Church, has extended its operations into mainland China. These activities include the erection of Confucius statues, the establishment of Confucian hospitals, and the restoration of temples, among other initiatives. In 2009, Zhou Beichen established the Holy Hall of Confucius (孔聖堂; Kǒngshèngtáng) in Shenzhen, an institution that also perpetuates Kang Youwei's concept of a Confucian Church and is affiliated with the Federation of Confucian Culture of Qufu City. This establishment marked the genesis of a nationwide movement comprising various congregations and civil organizations, which ultimately unified in 2015 to form the Holy Confucian Church. The inaugural spiritual leader of this church is scholar Jiang Qing, who also founded and manages the Yangming Confucian Abode (陽明精舍; Yángmíng jīngshě), a Confucian academy situated in Guiyang, Guizhou.

On specific occasions, Chinese folk religious temples and kinship ancestral shrines may opt for Confucian liturgy, referred to as 儒; rú or 正統 (zhèngtǒng; 'orthopraxy'), which is conducted by Confucian ritual masters (禮生; lǐshēng) for the veneration of deities, as an alternative to Taoist or other popular rituals. The term "Confucian businessmen" (儒商人; rúshāngrén), also translated as "refined businessman," represents a recently re-emergent concept. It characterizes individuals within the economic-entrepreneurial elite who acknowledge their social responsibilities and integrate Confucian cultural principles into their commercial practices.

Historically, Confucian adherents engaged in proselytization, though such efforts are uncommon in contemporary practice. Considering Confucianism's significant role in historical Chinese governance, some scholars have posited that the conflicts of Imperial China were inherently Confucian wars; however, the relationship between Confucianism and warfare is not straightforward or simplistic. Contemporary Confucianism stems from movements that substantially reinterpreted the teachings of Confucius and his disciples, diverging from earlier orthodox interpretations.

Governance

A fundamental Confucian principle posits that effective governance necessitates the cultivation of inner virtue, establishing a moral elite. When embodied, the monarch's personal virtue (de) is believed to disseminate a benevolent influence across the entire realm. The legitimacy of the ruler and the populace's deference are thus predicated on a spiritual-ethical framework, rather than on the exercise of coercive force. Confucius envisioned an ideal government guided by a superior individual (junzi), one that judiciously employs "culture and tradition" while minimizing reliance on stringent laws and punitive measures.

Confucius's commendation of the sage-king Shun for his "non-action" carries a distinct connotation, differing from the Taoist concept of wu wei, which advocates for spontaneous responses to allow events to unfold naturally. Confucian non-action, conversely, is contingent upon a robust moral foundation and a profound empathy for the populace's well-being. Furthermore, the virtuous ruler's "non-action" is reinforced by the selection of officials who possess impeccable character and demonstrate benevolence towards the common citizenry.

Mencius elaborated on more tangible and precise strategies for cultivating an effective ruler. He posited that an exemplary ruler must prioritize the welfare of the populace by guaranteeing sufficient food and housing, imposing moderate taxation, and refraining from superfluous military conflicts, asserting that moral education can only be effective once fundamental needs are met. Mencius contended that leaders should govern through moral exemplification—manifesting sincerity, benevolence, and righteousness—thereby inspiring their subjects to adopt virtuous behaviors.

Chinese emperors were regarded as divine agents, bestowed with the Mandate of Heaven, a pivotal doctrine within imperial political philosophy. As articulated in Confucian classics, this Mandate is neither predetermined nor absolute; instead, it responds to the aspirations and concerns of the populace. Consequently, while virtuous sovereigns retain the Mandate, malevolent rulers are ultimately forsaken by it.

Although Confucianism upholds the significance of adherence to national authority, it subordinates this obedience to overarching moral principles that constrain the arbitrary exercise of power, rather than rendering it unconditional. Deference to authority was understood exclusively within the framework of rulers' moral duties to their subjects, notably ren. Confucian thinkers, even those considered more authoritarian like Xunzi, consistently acknowledged the legitimacy of revolution against tyrannical rule.

Meritocracy

While Confucius asserted that he merely transmitted ancient wisdom rather than originating new concepts (Analects 7.1), he nonetheless introduced several innovative ideas. Numerous European and American scholars, including Voltaire and Herrlee G. Creel, highlight his groundbreaking proposition of substituting hereditary nobility with a nobility founded on virtue. The term Junzi ('lord's son'), initially denoting the younger, non-inheriting progeny of an aristocrat, evolved within Confucius's writings to become an appellation closely paralleling the meaning and development of the English word "gentleman".

Although Confucius claimed that he never invented anything but was only transmitting ancient knowledge (Analects 7.1), he did produce a number of new ideas. Many European and American admirers such as Voltaire and Herrlee G. Creel point to the revolutionary idea of replacing nobility of blood with nobility of virtue. Junzi ('lord's son'), which originally signified the younger, non-inheriting, offspring of a noble, became, in Confucius's work, an epithet having much the same meaning and evolution as the English "gentleman".

A virtuous commoner who cultivates admirable qualities could attain the status of a "gentleman," whereas a king's ignoble son would be considered merely a "petty person." Confucius's acceptance of disciples from diverse social strata unequivocally illustrates his opposition to the feudal hierarchies prevalent in pre-imperial Chinese society.

The novel concept of meritocracy subsequently inspired the establishment of the imperial examination system in China. This system enabled any individual who successfully passed the examinations to secure a governmental position, thereby conferring affluence and prestige upon their entire family. Originating during the Sui dynasty, the Chinese imperial examination system expanded significantly over subsequent centuries, eventually requiring nearly all aspiring officials to demonstrate their competence by successfully completing a series of written government assessments.

Confucian political meritocracy transcends its historical origins, remaining a pertinent concept. The implementation of meritocratic principles persists throughout contemporary China and East Asia, with numerous intellectuals—including Daniel Bell, Tongdong Bai, Joseph Chan, and Jiang Qing—advocating for political meritocracy as a credible alternative to liberal democracy.

In Just Hierarchy, Daniel Bell and Wang Pei assert the inevitability of hierarchies. Confronted by escalating societal complexity, modern societies necessitate hierarchical structures for coordinating collective action and addressing protracted challenges such as climate change. In this context, individuals should neither seek nor desire the maximal flattening of hierarchies. Instead, the focus should shift to identifying the principles of just political hierarchies, employing these criteria to determine which institutions warrant preservation, require reform, or demand radical transformation. This methodology is termed "progressive conservatism," a designation that underscores the Confucian tradition's ambivalent position within the conventional Left-Right political spectrum.

Bell and Wang articulate two primary justifications for political hierarchies that are independent of a "one person, one vote" electoral framework. The first is the imperative of efficiency, potentially necessitating centralized governance by a select, competent elite. The second, and most significant, is the paramount objective of serving the populace's interests and, more broadly, the common good. In Against Political Equality, Tongdong Bai augments this perspective through the application of a proto-Rawlsian "political difference principle." Analogous to Rawls's assertion that economic disparities are justifiable if they benefit the least advantaged members of society, Bai contends that political inequality is legitimate when it demonstrably improves the condition of the materially disadvantaged.

Bell, Wang, and Bai all critique liberal democracy, positing that government by the people does not necessarily equate to governance for the people in a substantive sense. They argue that the electorate frequently exhibits irrational, tribal, and short-sighted behaviors. Furthermore, they are susceptible to populist appeals and often fail to adequately consider the interests of future generations. Consequently, it is argued that, at a minimum, democratic systems require the integration of Confucian meritocratic safeguards.

In The China Model, Bell asserts that Confucian political meritocracy offers, and has historically offered, a foundational model for China's developmental trajectory. For Bell, the conceptual framework guiding China's past and prospective reforms adheres to a straightforward structure: Prospective leaders initially undergo highly selective examinations; subsequent promotion to provincial roles is contingent upon effective local governance, with further advancement to national positions requiring exceptional performance at the provincial tier, and so forth. This framework resonates with Harvard historian James Hankins's concept of "virtue politics," which posits that institutional design should prioritize the selection of the most competent and virtuous leaders, rather than primarily focusing on constraining governmental authority.

Although contemporary proponents of Confucian political meritocracy generally endorse this overarching conceptualization, divergences emerge concerning three principal issues: the specifics of institutional design, the mechanisms for promoting meritocrats, and the potential compatibility of Confucian political meritocracy with liberal principles.

Institutional design

Bell and Wang advocate for a system where local officials are democratically elected, while higher-tier officials are advanced through peer promotion. Bell articulates this as a defense of "democracy at the bottom, experimentation in the middle, and meritocracy at the top." They contend that this hybrid approach retains the primary benefits of democracy—such as local civic engagement, enhanced systemic legitimacy, and a measure of direct accountability—concurrently upholding the regime's overarching meritocratic ethos.

Jiang Qing, by contrast, proposes a tricameral governmental structure comprising a chamber elected by the populace (the 庶民院; 'House of the Commoners'), a second chamber consisting of Confucian meritocrats chosen through examinations and progressive advancement (the 通儒院; 'House of Confucian Tradition'), and a third body composed of direct descendants of Confucius (the 國體院; 'House of National Essence'). Jiang endeavors to establish a form of legitimacy transcending what he perceives as the atomistic, individualistic, and utilitarian principles inherent in contemporary democracies, instead rooting authority in sacred and traditional foundations. Although Jiang's conceptualization leans more towards an ideal theory compared to Bell's propositions, it nonetheless presents a distinctly more traditionalist alternative.

Tongdong Bai proposes an intermediate solution through a two-tiered bicameral system. At the local level, similar to Bell's approach, Bai champions Deweyan participatory democracy. At the national level, Bai suggests two chambers: one composed of meritocrats (chosen via examinations, promotion, or from distinguished professionals in specific fields) and another comprising representatives directly elected by the populace. Although the lower house lacks inherent legislative authority, it functions as a mechanism for popular accountability by advocating for citizens and exerting influence on the upper chamber. Broadly, Bai contends that his framework integrates the optimal elements of both meritocracy and democracy. Drawing upon Dewey's conceptualization of democracy as a way of life, Bai highlights the participatory aspects of his local model, where citizens maintain a democratic lifestyle, engage in political discourse, and are cultivated as "democratic individuals." Correspondingly, the lower house facilitates citizen representation, provides a voice in public matters (albeit a limited one), and ensures governmental accountability. Concurrently, the meritocratic chamber upholds competence, statesmanship, and Confucian virtues.

Promotion system

Defenders of Confucian political meritocracy typically advocate for a system where leaders are chosen based on intellectual capacity, social aptitude, and moral integrity. Bell's proposed model involves prospective meritocrats undergoing highly selective examinations and demonstrating their capabilities at local governmental tiers prior to ascending to higher levels of government, where they wield greater centralized authority. According to Bell, these examinations assess intellect and other virtues; for example, the capacity to articulate three distinct perspectives on a controversial matter could signify a notable degree of intellectual openness. Tongdong Bai's methodology encompasses diverse selection criteria for members of the meritocratic chamber, ranging from formal examinations to demonstrated performance across various domains such as business, science, and public administration. Consistently, proponents of Confucian meritocracy reference China's extensive historical tradition of meritocratic governance to delineate the advantages and disadvantages of various selection methodologies.

For proponents, such as Bell, who advocate a model where performance at local governmental levels dictates subsequent promotion, a critical inquiry concerns the criteria by which the system evaluates superior performance. Specifically, while initial examinations may confirm the competence and education of early-career officials, the mechanism for subsequently ensuring that only effective rulers achieve promotion remains a key consideration. Academic discourse reveals a divergence between those favoring peer evaluation and those preferring assessment by superiors, with some scholars integrating quasi-democratic selection processes. Bell and Wang advocate for a system where local officials are democratically elected, while higher-level officials are advanced through peer assessment. Given their conviction that promotion should exclusively rely on peer evaluations, Bell and Wang contend against transparency, asserting that the public should not be privy to the selection processes for officials beyond the local tier, as ordinary citizens lack the requisite expertise to judge them. Conversely, figures such as Jiang Qing support a model where superiors determine promotions; this approach aligns with more traditionalist interpretations of Confucian political philosophy, which prioritize rigid hierarchies and epistemic paternalism, positing that greater knowledge resides with older and more experienced individuals.

Compatibility with liberalism and democracy, and critique of political meritocracy

A further fundamental inquiry concerns the compatibility of Confucian political philosophy with liberalism. Tongdong Bai, for example, posits that although Confucian political thought diverges from the "one person, one vote" paradigm, it can nonetheless preserve numerous core tenets of liberalism, including freedom of speech and individual rights. Indeed, both Daniel Bell and Tongdong Bai maintain that Confucian political meritocracy possesses the capacity to address challenges that liberalism aims to resolve but is unable to confront autonomously. Culturally, for instance, Confucianism, alongside its institutions and rituals, provides safeguards against societal atomization and excessive individualism. Politically, the non-democratic dimension of political meritocracy is, according to Bell and Bai, more efficacious in confronting protracted issues like climate change, partly because meritocrats are not constrained by the fluctuations of public opinion.

Joseph Chan asserts the compatibility of Confucianism with both liberal and democratic principles. In his publication, Confucian Perfectionism, he contends that adherents of Confucianism can adopt both democracy and liberalism for instrumental reasons. Specifically, he posits that while liberal democracy may not possess intrinsic value, its institutional framework retains significance—especially when integrated with a pervasive Confucian culture—for advancing Confucian objectives and fostering Confucian virtues.

Conversely, other Confucian scholars have critiqued Confucian meritocrats, such as Bell, for their dismissal of democratic governance. These scholars argue that Confucianism need not be founded on the premise that virtuous and meritorious political leadership is intrinsically irreconcilable with popular sovereignty, political equality, and the right to political engagement. They contend that meritocrats tend to exaggerate democratic deficiencies, misinterpreting transient issues as fundamental characteristics, and underestimate the practical difficulties in establishing a genuine political meritocracy, exemplified by challenges in contemporary China and Singapore. Franz Mang posits that meritocracy, when separated from democratic structures, often devolves into an oppressive system led by ostensibly "meritorious" but in reality "authoritarian" rulers. Mang further asserts that Bell's model for China is inherently counterproductive, citing the Chinese Communist Party's authoritarian responses to dissent as evidence. He Baogang and Mark Warren propose that "meritocracy" should be conceptualized as a descriptor of a regime's nature rather than its structural classification, which is defined by the allocation of political authority. From their perspective, democratic institutions can be constructed to be meritocratic by prioritizing competence.

Roy Tseng, referencing twentieth-century New Confucian thought, proposes that Confucianism and liberal democracy can engage in a dialectical interaction. This process would involve reinterpreting liberal and voting rights to align with distinctly modern yet fundamentally Confucian lifestyles. This integrated approach, which combines Confucian rituals and institutions within an expansive liberal democratic framework, diverges from both Western liberalism—which Tseng views as characterized by excessive individualism and a deficit of moral perspective—and traditional Confucianism—which he believes has historically been hampered by rigid hierarchies and entrenched elites. Contradicting proponents of political meritocracy, Tseng argues that integrating Confucian and democratic institutions can preserve the strengths of both systems, fostering a more communal democracy that leverages a profound ethical heritage, mitigates power abuses, and unites popular accountability with a dedicated focus on cultivating virtue among leaders.

Influence

Seventeenth-Century European Reception

The writings of Confucius were rendered into European languages primarily through the efforts of Jesuit missionaries residing in China. Matteo Ricci was an early chronicler of Confucian philosophy, and Father Prospero Intorcetta authored an account of Confucius's life and works in Latin during 1687.

Translations of Confucian texts significantly impacted European intellectuals of that era, particularly Deists and other Enlightenment philosophical factions who were keen on incorporating Confucian moral principles into Western societal frameworks.

Confucianism exerted an influence on the German philosopher Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, who found the philosophy appealing due to its perceived resonance with his own ideas. It has been hypothesized that specific components of Leibniz's philosophical system, including "simple substance" and "Pre-established harmony," may have originated from his engagement with Confucian thought.

The French philosopher Voltaire, an intellectual adversary of Leibniz, also drew inspiration from Confucius, perceiving Confucian rationalism as a viable alternative to Christian doctrine. He lauded Confucian ethics and political structures, presenting China's sociopolitical hierarchy as an exemplary model for Europe:

Confucius exhibits no inclination towards deceit; he did not profess to be a prophet; he asserted no divine inspiration; he promulgated no novel religion; he employed no deceptions; nor did he flatter the emperor during his lifetime...

On Islamic Thought

Beginning in the late 17th century, the Han Kitab, a distinct body of literature, emerged among China's Hui Muslims, integrating Islamic principles with Confucian philosophy. Notably, works by Liu Zhi, such as Tianfang Dianli (天方典禮; Tiānfāng Diǎnlǐ), aimed to reconcile Islam with both Confucianism and Taoism, representing a significant accomplishment within Chinese Islamic culture.

In the modern era

Prominent military and political figures throughout modern Chinese history, including the Muslim warlord Ma Fuxiang, maintained an adherence to Confucian principles. Additionally, the New Life Movement, initiated in the early 20th century, also drew influence from Confucian thought.

Among political scientists and economists, a theory posits that Confucianism exerts a substantial latent influence on the ostensibly non-Confucian societies of contemporary East Asia. This concept, sometimes termed the Confucian hypothesis or a debated element of the broader Asian Development Model, attributes the rigorous work ethic prevalent in these cultures to Confucian tenets. Proponents of this view argue that without Confucianism's impact, numerous East Asian populations, including those in Singapore, Malaysia, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan, South Korea, and China, would not have achieved such rapid modernization and industrialization.

For instance, despite the devastating effects of the Vietnam War, Vietnam has experienced rapid redevelopment over recent decades. Most scholars trace the genesis of this perspective to futurologist Herman Kahn's work, World Economic Development: 1979 and Beyond.

Conversely, alternative research, such as Cristobal Kay's Why East Asia Overtook Latin America: Agrarian Reform, Industrialization, and Development, attributes East Asian economic expansion to distinct factors. These include the nature of agrarian reforms, the concept of "state-craft" (referring to state capacity), and the dynamic interplay between agricultural and industrial sectors.

Historically and contemporaneously, adherents of Confucianism frequently demonstrate environmentalist tendencies, stemming from their reverence for tian and other natural elements. This perspective is further informed by the "Principle" derived from the unity and overall harmony of nature, which is considered "the basis for a sincere mind."

Influence on Chinese Martial Arts

Following its establishment as China's official 'state religion,' Confucianism permeated every facet of Chinese society and intellectual discourse for subsequent generations, including martial arts culture. Although Confucius himself reportedly disavowed martial arts practice (with the exception of archery), he served under rulers who extensively employed military force. In later centuries, Confucianism profoundly shaped numerous influential and educated martial artists, such as Sun Lutang. This influence became particularly pronounced from the 19th century onward, as bare-handed martial arts gained wider prevalence in China and increasingly assimilated philosophical tenets from Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism.

Criticism

From its inception, Confucius and Confucianism faced opposition and critique, notably from Laozi's philosophy and Mozi's arguments. Legalists, including Han Fei, derided the notion that virtue alone could foster societal order. In the modern era, successive periods of opposition and vilification shifted the perception of Confucianism; it was no longer credited for China's civilizational achievements but instead held responsible for its shortcomings. During the Taiping Rebellion, both Confucian sages and deities from Taoism and Buddhism were characterized as demonic figures.

Incompatibility with Modernist Values

During the New Culture Movement, Lu Xun critiqued Confucianism for its role in shaping the societal conditions prevalent in China by the late Qing dynasty. His criticisms are metaphorically conveyed in "Diary of a Madman," where traditional Chinese Confucian society is depicted as feudalistic, hypocritical, socially cannibalistic, and despotic. He argued that it fostered a "slave mentality" that favored authoritarianism, suppressed critical thinking, and promoted blind obedience and deference to authority, thereby perpetuating a form of "Confucian authoritarianism" that endures to the present. Subsequently, during the Cultural Revolution, leftists characterized Confucius as an emblem of the slave-owning class.

Confucianism has faced sustained criticism in South Korea, with some observers contending that it has hindered the nation's modernization efforts. For instance, in 1998, South Korean author Kim Kyong-il published "Confucius Must Die For the Nation to Live" (공자가 죽어야 나라가 산다, gongjaga jug-eoya naraga sanda). Kim argued that filial piety, being inherently one-sided and uncritical, perpetuates societal issues when governmental policies enforce Confucian filial duties upon families.

Women's Status in Confucian Philosophy

Confucianism significantly shaped the prevailing discourse on gender in China from the Han dynasty onwards. The gender roles delineated by the Three Obediences and Four Virtues served as fundamental principles for family structure and, consequently, for social stability, establishing moral standards for women within feudal etiquette. From the Han period, Confucian teachings mandated that a virtuous woman adhere to the authority of the males in her family: her father prior to marriage, her husband after marriage, and her sons during widowhood. Subsequent dynasties intensified the emphasis on chastity. The Song dynasty Confucian Cheng Yi famously asserted, "To starve to death is a small matter, but to lose one's chastity is a great matter." During the Song dynasty, the imperative for chastity became so stringent that Confucian scholars criminalized the remarriage of widows. While widows were honored and commemorated in the Ming and Qing periods, the doctrine of chaste widowhood was formally institutionalized during the Ming dynasty. This "cult of chastity" often subjected many widows to destitution and isolation by stigmatizing remarriage. Furthermore, the consequences for widows sometimes extended beyond poverty and loneliness, with the preservation of chastity leading to suicide for some. The archetype of a chaste widow attained immense honor and prestige, particularly for women who chose to end their lives following their husbands' deaths. Numerous such cases were documented in the *Biographies of Virtuous Women*, described as "a collection of stories of women who distinguished themselves by committing suicide after their husband’s deaths to guard their chastity and purity." However, the voluntary nature of these acts as self-sacrifice for chastity remains debatable, given that it became a common practice for women to be compelled to commit suicide after their husbands' deaths. This compulsion stemmed from the profound honor that chaste widowhood conferred, benefiting not only the husband's family but also his clan or village.

For an extended period, numerous contemporary scholars have characterized Confucianism as a sexist, patriarchal ideology that historically detrimentally affected Chinese women. Both Chinese and Western academics have contended that the emergence of Neo-Confucianism during the Song dynasty contributed to a diminished status for women. Critics have further implicated prominent Song Neo-Confucian scholar Zhu Xi for advocating the inferiority of women and strict gender segregation, while Sima Guang similarly maintained that women should confine themselves to the domestic sphere and abstain from external male affairs. Furthermore, scholarly analysis has focused on the portrayal of women in Confucian texts, such as the *Analects*. A frequently debated passage groups women with 'small people' (小人), denoting individuals of low status or questionable morality, and characterizes them as challenging to educate or manage. Both traditional exegetes and modern scholars have extensively discussed the precise interpretation of this passage, specifically whether Confucius's remarks pertained to all women or only to particular segments of the female population.

Nevertheless, additional scholarly inquiry indicates a potentially more intricate position for women within Confucian society. During the Han dynasty, Ban Zhao (45–114 CE) authored the influential Confucian text Lessons for Women, intended to guide her daughters in becoming exemplary Confucian wives and mothers—emphasizing silence, diligence, and compliance. While she underscored the complementary and equally significant nature of male and female roles based on yin-yang theory, she unequivocally affirmed male dominance. Nonetheless, Ban Zhao also highlighted the importance of education and literary proficiency for women. In subsequent dynasties, several women leveraged the Confucian recognition of education to cultivate intellectual independence.

Joseph A. Adler highlights that "Neo-Confucian writings do not necessarily reflect either the prevailing social practices or the scholars' own attitudes and practices in regard to actual women." Furthermore, Matthew Sommers has indicated that the Qing dynasty government began to recognize the utopian nature of enforcing the "cult of chastity" and subsequently permitted practices such as widow remarriage. Additionally, certain Confucian texts, such as Dong Zhongshu's Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals, include passages that suggest a more egalitarian relationship between a husband and his wife. More recently, scholars have also initiated discussions concerning the feasibility of developing a "Confucian feminism."

The Chinese Rites Controversy

Since the initial European engagement with Confucianism, its categorization has been a consistent subject of scholarly debate. During the 16th and 17th centuries, the earliest European arrivals in China, specifically the Christian Jesuits, classified Confucianism as an ethical system rather than a religion, considering it compatible with Christianity. Jesuits, including Matteo Ricci, viewed Chinese rituals as "civil rituals" that could coexist with the spiritual practices of Catholicism.

By the early 18th century, this initial characterization was rejected by the Dominicans and Franciscans, initiating a dispute among Catholics in East Asia known as the "Rites Controversy." The Dominicans and Franciscans asserted that Chinese ancestral worship constituted a form of idolatry, thereby contradicting the fundamental tenets of Christianity. This perspective was subsequently reinforced by Pope Benedict XIV, who issued a ban on Chinese rituals. Nevertheless, this prohibition was re-evaluated and ultimately repealed in 1939 by Pope Pius XII, with the stipulation that such traditions harmonize with the true and authentic spirit of the liturgy.

Some critics characterize Confucianism as distinctly pantheistic and nontheistic, arguing that it does not rely on belief in the supernatural or a personal god existing independently of the temporal plane. Confucius' perspectives on tian and divine providence governing the world are elaborated in Analects 6:26, 7:22, and 9:12. Concerning spirituality, Confucius reportedly stated to Chi Lu, one of his students: "You are not yet able to serve men, how can you serve spirits?" Confucius advocated for attributes such as ancestor worship, ritual, and sacrifice as crucial for social harmony; these elements can be traced to traditional Chinese folk religion.

Scholars acknowledge that the classification of Confucianism ultimately depends on the specific definition of religion adopted. Employing stricter definitions, Confucianism has been characterized as a moral science or philosophy. Conversely, utilizing a broader definition, such as Frederick Streng's characterization of religion as "a means of ultimate transformation," Confucianism could be described as a "sociopolitical doctrine possessing religious qualities." Under this latter definition, Confucianism is considered religious, even if non-theistic, in that it "performs some of the basic psycho-social functions of full-fledged religions."

Notes

Notes

Citations

Bibliography

Translations of the Analects

Fieser, James, and Dowden, Bradley (eds.). "Confucius." Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. ISSN 2161-0002. OCLC 37741658.

Institutional Frameworks

Çavkanî: Arşîva TORÎma Akademî

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