Marxism

Marxism constitutes a political philosophy and a methodology for socioeconomic analysis, employing a dialectical materialist interpretation of historical progression, termed historical materialism, to comprehend class dynamics and societal conflict. Originating from the works of 19th-century German philosophers Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, the Marxist framework posits class struggle as the fundamental impetus for historical transformation.

Marxism is a political philosophy and method of socioeconomic analysis that uses a dialectical materialist interpretation of historical development, known as historical materialism, to understand class relations and social conflict. Originating in the works of 19th-century German philosophers Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, the Marxist approach views class struggle as the central driving force of historical change.

Marxist analysis asserts that a society's economic mode of production forms the bedrock of its social, political, and intellectual existence, a concept encapsulated by the base and superstructure model. In its critique of capitalism, Marxism contends that the dominant class, known as the bourgeoisie, which controls the means of production, systematically exploits the working class, or proletariat, who must sell their labor power to survive. This inherent relationship, according to Marx, engenders alienation, recurrent economic crises, and intensifying class conflict. Marx theorized that these intrinsic contradictions would precipitate a proletarian revolution, culminating in the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of a socialist mode of production. For adherents of Marxism, this transition represents an indispensable stage toward a classless, stateless communist society.

Following Marx's demise, his theories have been expanded and adapted by numerous scholars and political movements, giving rise to a diverse spectrum of intellectual traditions. The most prominent among these in the 20th century was Marxism–Leninism, which evolved after Vladimir Lenin's death and served as the official doctrine of the Soviet Union and other Marxist states. Conversely, various academic and dissenting currents, including Western Marxism, Marxist humanism, and libertarian Marxism, have emerged, frequently critiquing state socialism and emphasizing aspects such as culture, philosophy, and individual autonomy. This multifaceted evolution signifies that no singular, definitive Marxist theory exists.

Marxism is recognized as one of the most influential and contentious intellectual traditions in contemporary history. It has inspired revolutions, social movements, and political organizations globally, while also profoundly shaping numerous academic disciplines. Core Marxist concepts, such as alienation, exploitation, and class struggle, have become fundamental to the social sciences and humanities, impacting fields ranging from sociology and literary criticism to political science and cultural studies. The interpretation and practical application of Marxist ideas continue to be subjects of intense debate, both within political discourse and academic inquiry.

Marxism endeavors to elucidate social phenomena within any given society through an examination of the material conditions and economic activities necessary for fulfilling human material requirements. It postulates that the structure of economic organization, or mode of production, exerts influence over all other social phenomena, encompassing broader social relations, political institutions, legal frameworks, cultural systems, aesthetics, and ideologies. These social relations and the economic system collectively constitute a base and superstructure. As productive forces (e.g., technology) advance, existing organizational forms of production become obsolete and impede further progress. Karl Marx articulated this dynamic: "At a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or—this merely expresses the same thing in legal terms—with the property relations within the framework of which they have operated hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an era of social revolution."

Marxism seeks to explain social phenomena within any given society by analysing the material conditions and economic activities required to fulfill human material needs. It assumes that the form of economic organisation, or mode of production, influences all other social phenomena, including broader social relations, political institutions, legal systems, cultural systems, aesthetics and ideologies. These social relations and the economic system form a base and superstructure. As forces of production (e.g. technology) improve, existing forms of organising production become obsolete and hinder further progress. Karl Marx wrote: "At a certain stage of development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or—this merely expresses the same thing in legal terms—with the property relations within the framework of which they have operated hitherto. From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into their fetters. Then begins an era of social revolution."

These systemic inefficiencies emerge as societal contradictions, which subsequently fuel class struggle. Within the capitalist mode of production, this conflict primarily occurs between the bourgeoisie, a minority owning the means of production, and the proletariat, the vast majority responsible for producing goods and services. From the theoretical standpoint that social change arises from the inherent struggle between conflicting societal classes, a Marxist perspective posits that capitalism inherently exploits and oppresses the proletariat, thereby inevitably culminating in a proletarian revolution. In a socialist framework, private ownership of the means of production would be superseded by cooperative models. A socialist economy would prioritize production for use, focusing on satisfying human needs rather than generating private profits. Friedrich Engels articulated that "the capitalist mode of appropriation, in which the product enslaves first the producer, and then the appropriator, is replaced by the mode of appropriation of the products that is based upon the nature of the modern means of production; upon the one hand, direct social appropriation, as means to the maintenance and extension of production—on the other, direct individual appropriation, as means of subsistence and of enjoyment."

Proponents of Marxian economics contend that capitalism is economically unsustainable and inherently unable to enhance living standards, primarily because it seeks to offset the falling rate of profit by reducing employee wages and social benefits, often alongside engaging in military aggression. The socialist mode of production is posited to supersede capitalism as the dominant human production system, achieved through worker revolution. Marxian crisis theory asserts that socialism represents an economic necessity rather than a mere inevitability.

Etymology

The designation Marxism gained prominence through Karl Kautsky, who identified as an orthodox Marxist amidst the ideological schism between Marx's orthodox and revisionist adherents. Eduard Bernstein, Kautsky's revisionist counterpart, subsequently embraced the term as well.

Engels himself did not endorse the application of the term Marxism to characterize either his own or Marx's perspectives. He asserted that the term was being exploited as a rhetorical device by individuals seeking to portray themselves as authentic disciples of Marx, while simultaneously labeling others with distinct appellations, such as Lassallians. In 1882, Engels recounted that Marx had critiqued the self-proclaimed Marxist Paul Lafargue, stating that if Lafargue's views were indeed Marxist, then "one thing is certain and that is that I am not a Marxist."

Historical Materialism

Society does not consist of individuals, but expresses the sum of interrelations, the relations within which these individuals stand.

Marxism employs a materialist methodology, initially termed the materialist conception of history by Marx and Engels, and subsequently more widely recognized as historical materialism. This approach analyzes the fundamental drivers of societal evolution and transformation through the lens of collective human modes of subsistence. Marx's exposition of this theory is detailed in The German Ideology (1845) and the preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy (1859). All foundational elements of a society, including social classes, political structures, and ideologies, are posited to originate from economic activity, thereby constituting the "base and superstructure." This metaphor delineates the comprehensive array of social relations through which human beings generate and perpetuate their social existence. Marx asserted that the "sum total of the forces of production accessible to men determines the condition of society" and establishes a society's economic foundation.

The base encompasses the material forces of production, specifically labor, the means of production, and the relations of production—that is, the socio-political frameworks governing production and distribution. Emanating from this economic base is a superstructure comprising legal and political "forms of social consciousness," which are conditioned by the base and, in turn, shape both the superstructure itself and the prevailing ideology of a given society. Discrepancies between the evolution of material productive forces and the existing relations of production instigate social revolutions, wherein alterations to the economic base precipitate the social transformation of the superstructure.

This relationship is inherently reflexive, as the base initially generates the superstructure and subsequently serves as the foundational element for a particular form of social organization. These newly established social organizations can then reciprocally influence both the base and the superstructure, rendering the relationship dynamic rather than static. This dialectical interaction is characterized and propelled by inherent conflicts and contradictions. As Engels elucidated: "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes."

Marx posited that recurrent class conflicts constitute the primary impetus of human history, manifesting as distinct developmental stages in Western Europe. Consequently, he delineated human history as comprising four stages of development in the organization of production relations:

1. Primitive communism: Characterized by cooperative tribal societies.
2. Slave society: Involves the transition from tribal structures to city-states, leading to the emergence of an aristocracy.
3. Feudalism: Defined by aristocrats as the dominant class, while merchants gradually evolve into the bourgeoisie.
4. Capitalism: Features capitalists as the ruling class, responsible for creating and employing the proletariat.

Although historical materialism is often described as a materialist theory of history, Marx explicitly disclaimed having formulated a universal historical key. He asserted that the materialist conception of history is not "an historico-philosophic theory of the marche générale, imposed by fate upon every people, whatever the historic circumstances in which it finds itself." In an 1877 letter to the editor of the Russian newspaper Otechestvennye Zapiski, Marx clarified that his theoretical framework was grounded in a concrete analysis of specific European conditions.

Critique of Capitalism

According to Vladimir Lenin, a prominent Marxist theoretician and revolutionary socialist, "the principal content of Marxism" resided in "Marx's economic doctrine." Marx meticulously demonstrated how the capitalist bourgeoisie and their associated economists propagated what he considered a fallacy: that "the interests of the capitalist and of the worker are ... one and the same." He contended that this deception was perpetuated by advocating the notion that "the fastest possible growth of productive capital" benefited both wealthy capitalists and workers by ensuring employment.

Exploitation is fundamentally defined by surplus labor—the quantum of labor performed beyond what is compensated in goods or wages. This phenomenon has been a pervasive socioeconomic characteristic of every class society and serves as a primary differentiator among social classes. The capacity of one social class to control the means of production facilitates its exploitation of other classes. Within capitalism, the labor theory of value is a central tenet, asserting that a commodity's value is equivalent to the socially necessary labor time required for its production. Under these conditions, surplus value—the disparity between the value generated and the value received by a laborer—is synonymous with surplus labour, thereby realizing capitalist exploitation through the extraction of surplus value from the worker.

In pre-capitalist economic systems, worker exploitation was primarily enforced through physical coercion. Conversely, under the capitalist mode of production, workers, lacking ownership of the means of production, are compelled to "voluntarily" engage in an exploitative employment relationship with a capitalist to secure their basic necessities. While a worker's choice of employer may appear voluntary, the fundamental imperative to work or face destitution renders exploitation inevitable. Consequently, the perceived voluntary nature of a worker's participation in a capitalist society is illusory, as exploitation originates in the sphere of production, not circulation. Marx underscored that capitalism per se does not inherently defraud the worker.

Alienation, or Entfremdung in German, is conceptualized as the separation of individuals from their inherent humanity, emerging systematically from the capitalist mode of production. Within capitalism, the output of labor accrues to employers, who appropriate the surplus value generated by workers, thereby fostering a state of alienation among the labor force. From Marx's perspective, alienation constitutes an objective descriptor of the worker's condition under capitalism, independent of the worker's subjective awareness of this state.

Despite his critiques, Marx also acknowledged certain positive outcomes of capitalism, asserting that it "has created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding generations together" and that it "has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal arrangements."

Social Classes

Marx delineated social classes according to two primary criteria: the ownership of the means of production and the control over the labor power of others. Applying this property-based classification, he identified the following social strata within the capitalist mode of production:

• The proletariat is defined as "[T]he class of modern wage labourers who, having no means of production of their own, are reduced to selling their labour power in order to live." The capitalist system creates conditions where the bourgeoisie can exploit the proletariat, as the labor performed by workers generates a surplus value exceeding their wages. The
  • Lumpenproletariat comprises societal outcasts, including criminals, vagabonds, beggars, and prostitutes, characterized by a complete absence of political or class consciousness. Marx contended that this particular segment of the proletariat, lacking interest in national or international economic matters, would not contribute to the eventual social revolution.
• The bourgeoisie consists of those who "own the means of production" and acquire labor power from the proletariat, thereby engaging in their exploitation. This class is further subdivided into the bourgeoisie proper and the petite bourgeoisie. The
  • petite bourgeoisie refers to individuals who labor and possess the capacity to purchase limited labor power, encompassing small business owners, peasants, landlords, and skilled trade workers. Marxist theory posits that the continuous evolution of the means of production will ultimately lead to the dissolution of the petite bourgeoisie, relegating them from the middle class to the proletariat.
• Landlords represent a historically prominent social class that maintains a degree of wealth and influence.
• The peasantry and farmers constitute a dispersed class, generally unable to organize effectively or instigate significant socioeconomic transformation. The majority of this group was predicted to transition into the proletariat, while a smaller portion might ascend to the status of landlords.

Class consciousness signifies a social class's awareness of its own identity and its position within the social world, alongside its ability to act rationally in pursuit of its collective interests. This consciousness is deemed essential for a social class to successfully initiate a revolution and subsequently establish the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Although Marx did not explicitly define ideology, he employed the term to characterize the creation of representations of social reality. Engels elaborated, stating that "ideology is a process accomplished by the so-called thinker consciously, it is true, but with a false consciousness. The real motive forces impelling him remain unknown to him; otherwise it simply would not be an ideological process. Hence he imagines false or seeming motive forces."

Given the ruling class's control over the means of production, the societal superstructure—comprising dominant social ideas—is shaped by the interests of this class. In The German Ideology, Marx asserted that "[t]he ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e. the class which is the ruling material force of society, is, at the same time, its ruling intellectual force." Initially, the term political economy designated the examination of the material conditions underlying economic production within capitalism. Within a Marxist framework, political economy specifically investigates the means of production, particularly capital, and its manifestation as economic activity.

This ideological framework emerged from the socialist conviction that collective ownership of the means of production—encompassing industries, land, natural resources, trade infrastructure, and societal wealth—would eradicate the exploitative labor conditions inherent in capitalism. Marxists theorized that a proletarian revolution would lead to the seizure of the state, which they viewed as an instrument for class subjugation. This state would then be utilized to suppress the previously dominant capitalist class and, through the implementation of democratically controlled, commonly owned workplaces, establish a communist society, which Marxists considered the embodiment of true democracy. Furthermore, an economic system predicated on cooperation for human needs and social betterment, rather than competitive profit-seeking by numerous independent actors, would signify the dissolution of class society, a division Marx identified as the fundamental characteristic of all prior historical epochs. Marx perceived the essential nature of capitalist society as analogous to a slave society, wherein a minority exploits the majority.

Through the collective ownership of the means of production, the profit motive is eliminated, and an impetus toward human flourishing is introduced. As the surplus generated by workers becomes the property of society as a whole, the distinction between producing and appropriating classes ceases to exist. Additionally, since the state is conceptualized as originating from the retainers hired by early ruling classes to protect their economic privileges, it is expected to gradually dissolve once the conditions necessitating its existence have disappeared.

Communism, Revolution, and Socialism

As articulated in The Oxford Handbook of Karl Marx, "Marx used many terms to refer to a post-capitalist society—positive humanism, socialism, Communism, realm of free individuality, free association of producers, etc. He used these terms completely interchangeably. The notion that 'socialism' and 'Communism' are distinct historical stages is alien to his work and only entered the lexicon of Marxism after his death."

According to orthodox Marxist theory, the overthrow of capitalism through a socialist revolution in contemporary society is considered inevitable. While the inevitability of an eventual socialist revolution remains a contentious topic among various Marxist schools of thought, all Marxists maintain that socialism is a necessity. Marxists contend that a socialist society offers significantly greater benefits to the majority of the populace compared to its capitalist counterpart. Prior to the Russian Revolution, Vladimir Lenin asserted: "The socialisation of production is bound to lead to the conversion of the means of production into the property of society. ... This conversion will directly result in an immense increase in productivity of labour, a reduction of working hours, and the replacement of the remnants, the ruins of small-scale, primitive, disunited production by collective and improved labour." The failure of the 1905 Russian Revolution, coupled with the inability of socialist movements to resist the outbreak of World War I, prompted renewed theoretical endeavors and significant contributions from Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg toward a deeper understanding of Marx's crisis theory and efforts to formulate a theory of imperialism.

Democracy

Karl Marx critiqued liberal democracy for its perceived inadequacy, citing the unequal socio-economic conditions of workers during the Industrial Revolution as undermining citizens' democratic agency. Marxists exhibit diverse perspectives on democracy. Within Marxist thought, democratic models encompass Soviet democracy, New Democracy, and Whole-process people's democracy, potentially involving electoral processes for organizing surplus labor. Democratic centralism dictates that political decisions ratified by party votes are obligatory for all party members. Karl Marx himself identified freedom of speech and freedom of the press as essential prerequisites for democracy.

Schools of Thought

As an intellectual tradition, Marxism has profoundly influenced society and global academia. To date, its impact extends across numerous fields, including anthropology, archaeology, art theory, criminology, cultural studies, economics, education, ethics, film theory, geography, historiography, literary criticism, media studies, philosophy, political science, political economy, psychoanalysis, science studies, sociology, theatre, and urban planning.

Classical

Classical Marxism refers to the body of socio-economic and political theories developed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Ernest Mandel observed that "Marxism is always open, always critical, always self-critical." This perspective differentiates Marxism, as commonly understood, from Marx's actual convictions. In 1883, Marx famously wrote to his son-in-law Paul Lafargue and French labor leader Jules Guesde, both of whom asserted adherence to Marxist principles, accusing them of "revolutionary phrase-mongering" and dismissing the significance of reformist efforts. This correspondence is the source of Marx's well-known declaration that if their political stance constituted Marxism, then 'ce qu'il y a de certain c'est que moi, je ne suis pas Marxiste' ('what is certain is that I myself am not a Marxist').

Libertarian

Libertarian Marxism underscores the anti-authoritarian and emancipatory dimensions inherent in Marxist thought. Initial manifestations of libertarian Marxism, including left communism, arose in direct opposition to Marxism–Leninism.

Libertarian Marxism frequently critiques reformist stances, such as those espoused by social democrats. Its various currents often derive insights from the later writings of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, particularly the Grundrisse and The Civil War in France. This emphasis highlights the Marxist conviction that the working class possesses the capacity to determine its own future, obviating the necessity for a vanguard party to intercede in or facilitate its emancipation. Alongside anarchism, libertarian Marxism constitutes a primary branch of libertarian socialism.

The scope of Libertarian Marxism encompasses diverse currents, including autonomism, council communism, De Leonism, Lettrism, elements of the New Left, Situationism, Freudo-Marxism (a psychoanalytic approach), Socialisme ou Barbarie, and workerism. This intellectual tradition has significantly impacted both post-left and social anarchist thought. Prominent theorists associated with libertarian Marxism include Maurice Brinton, Cornelius Castoriadis, Guy Debord, Raya Dunayevskaya, Daniel Guérin, C. L. R. James, Rosa Luxemburg, Antonio Negri, Anton Pannekoek, Fredy Perlman, Ernesto Screpanti, E. P. Thompson, Raoul Vaneigem, and Yanis Varoufakis, with the latter asserting that Marx himself adhered to libertarian Marxist principles.

Humanist

Marxist humanism emerged in 1932 following the publication of Marx's Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, gaining significant recognition during the 1950s and 1960s. Adherents of Marxist humanism argue for a continuous intellectual thread connecting Marx's early philosophical texts, where he articulated his theory of alienation, with the structural analysis of capitalist society presented in his later works, such as Capital. They maintain that a thorough comprehension of Marx's philosophical underpinnings is essential for a proper interpretation of his subsequent writings.

In contrast to the official dialectical materialism of the Soviet Union and interpretations of Marx derived from Louis Althusser's structural Marxism, Marxist humanists assert that Marx's oeuvre represents an extension or transcendence of Enlightenment humanism. While other Marxist philosophies conceptualize Marxism as a natural science, Marxist humanism reasserts the principle that "man is the measure of all things"—positing that humans are fundamentally distinct from the remainder of the natural order and should be approached as such within Marxist theoretical frameworks.

Academic

A 2007 survey of American academics conducted by Neil Gross and Solon Simmons indicated that 17.6% of social science professors and 5.0% of humanities professors self-identify as Marxists, whereas the proportion of Marxist-identifying professors in all other disciplines ranged from 0% to 2%.

Archaeology

The theoretical foundations of Marxist archaeology originated in the Soviet Union in 1929, marked by the publication of "For a Soviet history of material culture" by the young archaeologist Vladislav I. Ravdonikas. This work critiqued the prevailing archaeological discipline as inherently bourgeois and thus anti-socialist. Consequently, as part of the academic reforms implemented under General Secretary Joseph Stalin's administration, significant emphasis was placed on the nationwide adoption of Marxist archaeology.

These theoretical advancements were subsequently embraced by archaeologists operating in capitalist nations beyond the Leninist bloc, particularly by the Australian scholar V. Gordon Childe, who applied Marxist theory to his interpretations of human societal evolution.

Sociology

Marxist sociology, defined as the sociological study from a Marxist viewpoint, constitutes "a form of conflict theory associated with ... Marxism's objective of developing a positive (empirical) science of capitalist society as part of the mobilization of a revolutionary working class." The American Sociological Association maintains a dedicated section addressing topics within Marxist sociology, which is "interested in examining how insights from Marxist methodology and Marxist analysis can help explain the complex dynamics of modern society."

Influenced by Karl Marx's philosophical contributions, Marxist sociology emerged during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Alongside Marx, Max Weber and Émile Durkheim are recognized as seminal figures in the formative period of sociology. The inaugural Marxist sociological school, known as Austro-Marxism, featured Carl Grünberg and Antonio Labriola among its most prominent members. By the 1940s, the Western Marxist school gained acceptance within Western academia, subsequently diversifying into various perspectives, including the Frankfurt School and critical theory. The status of Critical Theory as a significant derivative of Marxism remains a subject of debate. A shared objective uniting Marxism and Critical Theory is an interest in efforts to dismantle oppressive, exclusionary, and dominating structures. Owing to its historical endorsement by state apparatuses, a strong reaction against Marxist ideology has occurred in post-communist nations, such as Poland. Nevertheless, it persists as a significant framework in sociological research endorsed and funded by communist states, notably in China.

Economics

Marxian economics represents a school of economic thought rooted in the critique of classical political economy initially articulated by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. This discipline focuses on analyzing capitalist crises, the function and allocation of surplus product and surplus value across diverse economic systems, the essence and genesis of economic value, the influence of class and class struggle on economic and political dynamics, and the trajectory of economic evolution. Although the Marxian school is considered heterodox, concepts originating from Marxian economics have enriched mainstream comprehension of the global economy. Certain Marxian economic concepts, particularly those related to capital accumulation and the business cycle, such as creative destruction, have been adapted for application within capitalist frameworks.

Education

Marxist education expands upon Marx's writings and the movements he inspired through diverse approaches. Beyond the contributions of Lev Vygotsky's educational psychology and Paulo Freire's pedagogy, Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis' seminal work, Schooling in Capitalist America, investigates educational reform in the U.S., its connection to the perpetuation of capitalism, and the potential for leveraging its inherent contradictions within revolutionary movements. The work of Peter McLaren, particularly since the turn of the 21st century, has significantly advanced Marxist educational theory through the development of revolutionary critical pedagogy, a trajectory also pursued by Glenn Rikowski, Dave Hill, and Paula Allman. Other Marxist scholars, including Tyson E. Lewis, Noah De Lissovoy, Gregory Bourassa, and Derek R. Ford, have examined the structures and pedagogical methodologies of both capitalist and communist educational systems. Curry Malott has pioneered a Marxist historical analysis of education in the U.S., while Marvin Gettleman investigated the historical evolution of communist education. Sandy Grande has integrated Marxist educational theory with Indigenous pedagogical approaches, and others, such as John Holt, analyze adult education through a Marxist lens.

Other developments include:

• The aesthetic dimensions of Marxist education
• Marxist analyses concerning the function of fixed capital within capitalist educational frameworks
• The educational psychology pertaining to capital
• Lenin's contributions to educational theory
• The pedagogical role of the Communist Party

Contemporary research endeavors explore and advance Marxist pedagogy within the postdigital epoch.

Historiography

Marxist historiography represents a scholarly tradition profoundly shaped by Marxist principles, primarily emphasizing the pivotal role of social class and economic determinants in shaping historical trajectories. This approach has significantly advanced the study of the working class, marginalized nationalities, and the methodological framework of "history from below." Friedrich Engels' seminal historical work, Der deutsche Bauernkrieg (The German Peasants' War), meticulously examined social conflict within early Protestant Germany, focusing on the emergence of capitalist classes. This analysis of The German Peasants' War exemplifies the Marxist commitment to "history from below," integrating class analysis with a dialectical interpretive framework.

Engels' concise treatise, The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844, played a crucial role in fostering the socialist movement within British political discourse. Karl Marx's significant contributions to social and political history encompass works such as The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon, The Communist Manifesto, The German Ideology, and specific sections of Capital that delineate the historical development of capitalists and proletarians from pre-industrial English society. In the Soviet Union, Marxist historiography faced constraints due to governmental demands for ideologically predetermined historical narratives. A prominent example is the History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), published in the 1930s, which aimed to legitimize the Bolshevik party's structure and operations under Joseph Stalin. Concurrently, a distinct group of historians emerged within the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in 1946.

Although prominent members of this British group, notably Christopher Hill and E. P. Thompson, disaffiliated from the CPGB following the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, the foundational principles of British Marxist historiography persisted in their subsequent scholarship. Thompson's seminal work, The Making of the English Working Class, is frequently associated with this intellectual collective. Eric Hobsbawm's Bandits further exemplifies the contributions of this group. C. L. R. James also emerged as a significant proponent of the "history from below" methodology. While residing in Britain during the composition of his acclaimed work, The Black Jacobins (1938), James maintained an anti-Stalinist Marxist stance, thus operating independently of the CPGB. In the Indian context, B. N. Datta and D. D. Kosambi are recognized as the foundational figures of Marxist historiography. Contemporary leading scholars in this field include R. S. Sharma, Irfan Habib, Romila Thapar, D. N. Jha, and K. N. Panikkar, many of whom are now advanced in age, exceeding 75 years.

Literary Criticism

Marxist literary criticism broadly encompasses critical approaches to literature grounded in socialist and dialectical theories. This perspective posits that literary works function as reflections of the societal structures from which they emerge. Adherents of Marxist theory contend that literature itself constitutes a social institution, fulfilling a distinct ideological role shaped by the author's background and ideological framework. Notable Marxist literary critics include Mikhail Bakhtin, Walter Benjamin, Terry Eagleton, and Fredric Jameson.

Aesthetics

Marxist aesthetics constitutes a theoretical framework for understanding beauty and art, fundamentally rooted in the principles articulated by Karl Marx. This approach employs a dialectical and materialist, or dialectical materialist, methodology to analyze the cultural domain, particularly aspects pertaining to taste, such as art and beauty. Proponents of Marxism assert that economic and social conditions, especially the class relations stemming from these conditions, profoundly influence every facet of human existence, encompassing religious convictions, legal structures, and cultural paradigms.

History

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels

Karl Marx's scholarship critically examined the alienation and exploitation experienced by the working class, the dynamics of the capitalist mode of production, and the theory of historical materialism. He is renowned for his analysis of history through the lens of class struggle, a concept succinctly articulated in the opening statement of The Communist Manifesto (1848): "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles."

Friedrich Engels collaboratively developed communist theory alongside Karl Marx. Their initial encounter occurred in September 1844, where they recognized a convergence in their philosophical and socialist perspectives, leading to their joint authorship of works such as Die heilige Familie (The Holy Family). Following Marx's expulsion from France in January 1845, they relocated to Belgium, a nation that afforded greater intellectual freedom compared to other European states. In January 1846, they returned to Brussels to establish the Communist Correspondence Committee.

In 1847, the collaborative effort to produce The Communist Manifesto (1848) commenced, drawing foundational concepts from Engels' The Principles of Communism. This 12,000-word pamphlet was subsequently published in February 1848, merely six weeks after its inception. Following their expulsion from Belgium in March, they relocated to Cologne, where they established the politically radical newspaper, Neue Rheinische Zeitung.

Following Marx's death in 1883, Engels assumed the role of editor and translator for Marx's collected works. Through his 1884 publication, Origins of the Family, Private Property, and the State, Engels significantly advanced both feminist theory and Marxist feminism. This work posited that monogamous marriage served to perpetuate male social dominance over women, drawing an analogy between this dynamic and the economic subjugation of the working class by the capitalist class within communist theoretical frameworks.

The Russian Revolution and the Formation of the Soviet Union

Inception

The October Revolution of 1917 marked the Bolsheviks' seizure of power from the Russian Provisional Government, leading to the establishment of the world's first socialist state, founded upon principles of soviet democracy and Leninism. This nascent federal entity pledged to withdraw Russia from World War I and to institute a revolutionary workers' state. Furthermore, Lenin's administration enacted several progressive reforms, including universal education, comprehensive healthcare, and equal rights for women. A resolution supporting the Bolshevik demand for power transfer to the soviets had previously been endorsed by 50,000 workers. Subsequent to the October Revolution, the newly formed Soviet government faced considerable challenges from the White Movement and various independence factions during the ensuing Russian Civil War.

In 1919, the emerging Soviet Government founded the Communist Academy and the Marx–Engels–Lenin Institute, institutions dedicated to doctrinal Marxist scholarship and the dissemination of official ideological and research publications for the Russian Communist Party. Following Lenin's demise in 1924, an intense internal power struggle erupted within the Soviet Communist movement, primarily between Joseph Stalin and Leon Trotsky. This conflict manifested through the Troika (comprising Stalin, Zinoviev, and Kamenev) and the Left Opposition, respectively. The disagreements stemmed from divergent interpretations of Marxist and Leninist theory, each adapted to the prevailing conditions of the Soviet Union. This era is notable for the consolidation of Marxism–Leninism as the predominant ideological framework.

The Chinese Revolution

The Chinese Communist Revolution unfolded during the Chinese Civil War, a period coinciding with the conclusion of the Second Sino-Japanese War and, more broadly, World War II. The Chinese Communist Party, established in 1921, engaged in a protracted conflict with the Kuomintang concerning the nation's future trajectory. Throughout this civil strife, Mao Zedong formulated a distinct Marxist theory tailored to the specific historical conditions of China. Notably, Mao garnered substantial support from the peasantry, a contrast to the Russian Revolution's primary base in urban centers of the Russian Empire. Among Mao's significant theoretical contributions were the concepts of New Democracy, the mass line, and people's war. In 1949, the People's Republic of China (PRC) was proclaimed, establishing a new socialist state purportedly founded on the ideological tenets of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin.

From the period following Stalin's death until the late 1960s, a heightened degree of conflict characterized relations between China and the Soviet Union. Policies such as De-Stalinisation, initiated under Nikita Khrushchev, and the pursuit of détente were perceived by China as revisionist and ideologically deficient from a Marxist perspective. This profound ideological disagreement escalated into a wider global crisis, primarily concerning which nation would assume leadership of the international socialist movement.

Subsequent to Mao's death and the rise of Deng Xiaoping, both Maoism and the official interpretation of Marxism in China underwent significant re-evaluation. This revised ideological framework, frequently termed 'socialism with Chinese characteristics,' initially revolved around Deng Xiaoping Theory. This theory purported to maintain the core tenets of Marxism–Leninism and Maoism while simultaneously adapting them to China's specific national context. Deng Xiaoping Theory was underpinned by the Four Cardinal Principles, which aimed to affirm the paramount role of the Chinese Communist Party and to assert that China remained in the preliminary stage of socialism, actively striving towards the construction of a communist society grounded in Marxist principles.

The Late 20th Century

The Cuban Revolution culminated in 1959 with the triumph of Fidel Castro and his July 26 Movement. Despite the revolution's initial lack of explicit socialist declaration, Castro assumed the prime ministership post-victory and implemented a Leninist model of socialist development, forging an alliance with the Soviet Union. Che Guevara, an Argentine Marxist revolutionary and a prominent figure in the revolution, subsequently supported socialist movements in Congo-Kinshasa and Bolivia. He was ultimately killed by the Bolivian government, potentially under directives from the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), although Felix Rodriguez, the CIA agent tasked with locating Guevara, reportedly wished to preserve his life for potential leverage with the Cuban government. Guevara later achieved posthumous international recognition as an icon.

From 1966 to 1976, the Maoist government in the People's Republic of China initiated the Cultural Revolution, aiming to eradicate capitalist influences from Chinese society and advance towards socialism. Following Mao Zedong's demise, his political adversaries consolidated power. Under Deng Xiaoping's leadership, numerous policies from the Cultural Revolution era were either modified or rescinded, concurrently promoting a substantial expansion of privatized industry.

The late 1980s and early 1990s were characterized by the disintegration of most socialist states adhering to Marxist–Leninist ideology. Preceding this, during the late 1970s and early 1980s, the ascendancy of the New Right and neoliberal capitalism as prevailing ideological currents in Western politics, championed by U.S. President Ronald Reagan and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, prompted a more assertive Western posture towards the Soviet Union and its Leninist allies. Concurrently, Mikhail Gorbachev, a proponent of reform, assumed the role of General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in March 1985, endeavoring to transition from Leninist development paradigms towards social democracy. Ultimately, Gorbachev's reforms, compounded by escalating popular ethnic nationalism, culminated in the dissolution of the Soviet Union in late 1991. This resulted in the formation of numerous constituent nations, all of which abandoned Marxist–Leninist approaches to socialism, with the majority adopting capitalist economic systems.

21st Century

As the 21st century commenced, China, Cuba, Laos, North Korea, and Vietnam persisted as the sole officially Marxist–Leninist states. However, in 2008, a Maoist government under Prachanda was democratically elected in Nepal, following an extended period of guerrilla warfare.

The early 21st century also witnessed the rise of socialist governments across several Latin American nations, a phenomenon termed the "pink tide." This movement was largely spearheaded by Hugo Chávez's Venezuelan administration and included the electoral victories of Evo Morales in Bolivia, Rafael Correa in Ecuador, and Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua. These socialist governments established political and economic alliances, notably through international bodies such as the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas, and aligned with Marxist–Leninist Cuba. While none explicitly adopted a Stalinist trajectory, most acknowledged substantial influence from Marxist theory. Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez publicly identified as a Trotskyist during his cabinet's swearing-in ceremony, two days prior to his inauguration on January 10, 2007. However, Venezuelan Trotskyist organizations generally do not recognize Chávez as a Trotskyist; some characterize him as a bourgeois nationalist, while others view him as a sincere revolutionary leader whose significant errors stemmed from an insufficient Marxist analytical framework.

In their 2011 work, Hermeneutic Communism, Italian Marxist Gianni Vattimo and Santiago Zabala contend that "this new weak communism differs substantially from its previous Soviet (and current Chinese) realisation, because the South American countries follow democratic electoral procedures and also manage to decentralise the state bureaucratic system through the Bolivarian missions. In sum, if weakened communism is felt as a spectre in the West, it is not only because of media distortions but also for the alternative it represents through the same democratic procedures that the West constantly professes to cherish but is hesitant to apply."

General Secretary Xi Jinping of the Chinese Communist Party has declared a reinforced dedication to Marxist principles. During a commemoration of Marx's bicentennial, Xi asserted, "We must secure advantages, seize the initiative, and triumph in the future. It is imperative to continually enhance our capacity to apply Marxism for analyzing and resolving practical challenges," further characterizing Marxism as a "potent ideological instrument for comprehending the world, discerning its laws, pursuing truth, and transforming society." Xi has also emphasized the significance of scrutinizing and perpetuating the Communist Party of China's traditions and acknowledging its revolutionary heritage.

The adherence of various revolutionaries, leaders, and political parties to Karl Marx's doctrines remains a contentious issue, frequently disputed by numerous Marxists and other socialist thinkers. Prominent socialist authors, such as Dimitri Volkogonov, concede that the conduct of authoritarian socialist regimes has significantly undermined "the immense appeal of socialism stemming from the October Revolution."

Critique

Marxism has faced scrutiny from diverse political ideologies and academic fields. Key criticisms encompass its perceived lack of internal consistency, objections to historical materialism—often characterized as a form of historical determinism—concerns regarding the suppression of individual rights, challenges in the practical implementation of communism, and economic deficiencies such as distorted or absent price signals and diminished incentives. Furthermore, empirical and epistemological difficulties are frequently highlighted.

Certain Marxists have critiqued the academic institutionalization of Marxism, asserting its superficiality and detachment from practical political engagement. Alex Callinicos, a Zimbabwean Trotskyist and academic, observed: "Its adherents evoke Narcissus, who, in Greek mythology, became enamored with his own image. ... While conceptual clarification and development are occasionally necessary, for Western Marxists, this process has regrettably become an autotelic pursuit. Consequently, the resulting scholarship is intelligible only to a minuscule cadre of highly specialized academics."

Furthermore, some intellectual critiques of Marxism challenge specific assumptions embedded in Marx's original thought and subsequent Marxist developments, yet without necessarily repudiating Marxist political principles. Other contemporary proponents of Marxism contend that while many facets of Marxist theory remain pertinent, the overall body of work is either incomplete or requires updating concerning particular economic, political, or social theoretical aspects. These scholars may integrate Marxist concepts with the frameworks of other theorists, such as Max Weber, exemplified by the approach of the Frankfurt School.

Overview

Leszek Kołakowski, a distinguished philosopher and intellectual historian, posited that "Marx's theory is incomplete or ambiguous in numerous sections, allowing for its 'application' in various contradictory manners without overtly violating its foundational principles." He specifically deemed "the laws of dialectics" to be fundamentally flawed, asserting that some constitute "truisms devoid of specific Marxist substance," others are "philosophical dogmas unprovable by scientific methods," and certain ones are simply "nonsensical." Kołakowski maintained that while some Marxist laws permit diverse interpretations, these interpretations generally fall within one of the aforementioned categories of error.

Okishio's theorem demonstrates that when capitalists implement cost-reduction strategies without a corresponding increase in real wages, the profit rate is compelled to ascend. This finding challenges Marx's proposition regarding a tendency for the rate of profit to decline.

Claims of internal inconsistency have constituted a significant component of Marxian economic discourse and its associated debates since the 1970s. Andrew Kliman contends that such inconsistencies invalidate Marx's critiques and any attempts to rectify the purported flaws, given that internally inconsistent theories are, by definition, untenable.

Epistemological and Empirical Issues

Critics of Marxism contend that Marx's prognostications have not materialized, citing several factors: the general increase in GDP per capita within capitalist economies compared to less market-oriented systems, the absence of escalating economic crises in capitalist nations leading to systemic overthrow, and the occurrence of communist revolutions primarily in undeveloped regions rather than in the most advanced capitalist states. Furthermore, Marxism has faced criticism for purportedly leading to diminished living standards relative to capitalist countries, although this assertion remains a subject of contention.

In his works, The Poverty of Historicism and Conjectures and Refutations, the philosopher of science Karl Popper critically assessed the explanatory capacity and validity of historical materialism. Popper posited that Marxism initially possessed scientific merit, as Marx had advanced a genuinely predictive theoretical framework. However, when these predictions failed to materialize, Popper contended that the theory evaded falsification through the introduction of ad hoc hypotheses, thereby rendering it compatible with observed facts. Consequently, Popper asserted that a theory initially grounded in genuine scientific inquiry devolved into pseudoscientific dogma.

Anarchist and libertarian

Anarchism has maintained a contentious relationship with Marxism. Anarchists, alongside numerous non-Marxist libertarian socialists, dispute the necessity of a transitional state phase, asserting that socialism can only be realized through decentralized, non-coercive organizational structures. The anarchist Mikhail Bakunin notably criticized Marx for his perceived authoritarian tendencies. The expressions "barracks socialism" or "barracks communism" subsequently emerged as concise descriptors for this critique, conjuring an image of citizens' lives regimented akin to those of conscripts within military barracks.

Economic

Additional critiques originate from an economic perspective. Vladimir Karpovich Dmitriev (1898), Ladislaus von Bortkiewicz (1906–1907), and subsequent scholars have contended that Marx's labor theory of value and the law of the tendency of the rate of profit to fall exhibit internal inconsistencies. Specifically, these critics assert that Marx derived conclusions not logically consequent from his theoretical premises. Upon rectification of these purported errors, his conclusion that aggregate price and profit are determined by and equivalent to aggregate value and surplus value becomes untenable. This outcome challenges his theory positing the exploitation of workers as the exclusive source of profit.

Marxism and socialism have been subjected to extensive critical analysis by multiple generations of Austrian economists, focusing on scientific methodology, economic theory, and political ramifications. During the marginal revolution, Carl Menger formulated a theory of subjective value, and scholars generally perceive the broader development of marginalism as a direct response to Marxist economics. Eugen Böhm von Bawerk, a second-generation Austrian economist, employed praxeological and subjectivist methodologies to fundamentally challenge the labor theory of value. Gottfried Haberler deemed Böhm-Bawerk's critique "definitive," asserting that his analysis of Marx's economics was so "thorough and devastating" that, as of the 1960s, no Marxian scholar had conclusively refuted it. Ludwig von Mises, a third-generation Austrian, reignited the discourse surrounding the economic calculation problem, contending that in the absence of price signals for capital goods, all other facets of the market economy become irrational. This perspective led him to declare that "rational economic activity is impossible in a socialist commonwealth."

Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson contend that Marx's economic theory suffered from fundamental flaws, primarily due to its attempt to reduce the economy to a limited set of general laws while disregarding the significant influence of institutions. These specific criticisms, however, have been contested by other prominent economists, including John Roemer and Nicholas Vrousalis.

References

Bibliography

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  • Marxism at the Encyclopædia Britannica