Shinto (神道, Shintō; Japanese pronunciation: [ɕiꜜn.toː]), alternatively known as Shintoism, constitutes Japan's indigenous religion and its historical ethnic cult. While religious scholars categorize it as an East Asian religion, its adherents frequently perceive it as both Japan's native faith and a nature-based spiritual tradition. Although academics occasionally refer to its followers as Shintoists, this appellation is seldom adopted by the practitioners themselves. The absence of a centralized governing body within Shinto results in considerable diversity in beliefs and practices among its adherents. As a polytheistic and animistic religious system, Shinto centers on supernatural entities known as the kami (神), which are believed to reside in all phenomena, encompassing natural forces and significant geographical features.
Shinto (神道, Shintō; Japanese pronunciation: [ɕiꜜn.toː]), also called Shintoism, is the native religion and former ethnic cult of Japan. Classified as an East Asian religion by scholars of religion, it is often regarded by its practitioners as Japan's indigenous religion and as a nature religion. Scholars sometimes call its practitioners Shintoists, although adherents rarely use that term themselves. With no central authority in control of Shinto, there is much diversity of belief and practice evident among practitioners. As polytheistic and animistic religion, Shinto revolves around supernatural entities called the kami (神), who are believed to inhabit all things, including forces of nature and prominent landscape locations.
Veneration of the kami occurs at various sites, including kamidana household shrines, family altars, and jinja public shrines. Public shrines are managed by priests, designated as kannushi, who supervise the presentation of food and drink offerings to the particular kami enshrined there. This practice aims to foster equilibrium between humanity and the kami, thereby seeking their divine favor. Additional prevalent rituals encompass kagura dances, ceremonial rites of passage, and kami festivals. Public shrines also provide avenues for divination and distribute religious artifacts, such as amulets, to followers of the faith. A fundamental conceptual emphasis in Shinto is placed on maintaining purity, primarily achieved through cleansing rituals like ceremonial washing and bathing, particularly prior to worship. While there is minimal focus on prescriptive moral codes or distinct afterlife doctrines, deceased individuals are considered capable of transforming into kami. This religion lacks a singular creator deity or a codified doctrine, manifesting instead in a wide array of localized and regional expressions.
While scholars dispute the precise historical juncture at which Shinto emerged as a discrete religious system, the veneration of kami can be traced to Japan's Yayoi period (300 BCE to 250 CE). Buddhism was introduced to Japan towards the conclusion of the Kofun period (300 to 538 CE), subsequently experiencing rapid dissemination. Through religious syncretism, the worship of kami and Buddhist practices became functionally integrated, a phenomenon termed shinbutsu-shūgō. Consequently, the kami were incorporated into Buddhist cosmology and progressively represented with anthropomorphic characteristics. The initial written accounts concerning kami worship are documented in the 8th-century texts, the Kojiki and the Nihon Shoki. Over subsequent centuries, the Japanese Imperial household adopted shinbutsu-shūgō. During the Meiji era (1868 to 1912), Japan's nationalist government purged Buddhist elements from kami worship, establishing State Shinto, a development some historians identify as the genesis of Shinto as a separate religious entity. Shrines subsequently experienced increased governmental oversight, and the populace was encouraged to venerate the emperor as a kami. The establishment of the Empire of Japan in the early 20th century facilitated the propagation of Shinto to other regions of East Asia. After Japan's defeat in World War II, Shinto underwent a formal disestablishment from state control.
Shinto is predominantly observed in Japan, where approximately 100,000 public shrines exist, though adherents can also be found internationally. Quantitatively, it represents Japan's largest religion, with Buddhism ranking as the second most prevalent. A significant portion of the Japanese populace participates in both Shinto and Buddhist practices, particularly festivals, which underscores a prevalent cultural perspective that religious beliefs and observances are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Furthermore, elements of Shinto have been integrated into numerous Japanese new religious movements.
Definition
A universally accepted definition of Shinto remains elusive. Joseph Cali and John Dougill propose that if a singular, broad definition were to exist, it would characterize Shinto as "a belief in kami," referring to the supernatural entities central to the religion. Japanologist Helen Hardacre states that "Shinto encompasses doctrines, institutions, ritual, and communal life based on kami worship." Similarly, religion scholar Inoue Nobutaka observed that the term "Shinto" is "often used" in "reference to kami worship and related theologies, rituals and practices." While various academics refer to Shinto practitioners as Shintoists, this designation lacks a direct equivalent in the Japanese language.
Scholars engage in ongoing debate regarding the historical juncture at which it becomes appropriate to discuss Shinto as a distinct phenomenon. Ninian Smart, a scholar of religion, suggested that one could refer to the "kami religion of Japan," which coexisted symbiotically with organized Buddhism before its later institutionalization as Shinto. Although numerous institutions and practices now associated with Shinto were present in Japan by the 8th century, several scholars contend that Shinto, as a separate religion, was essentially "invented" during Japan's Meiji era in the 19th century. Brian Bocking, another religion scholar, emphasized that the term Shinto should "be approached with caution," particularly when examining periods preceding the Meiji era. Inoue Nobutaka asserted that "Shinto cannot be considered as a single religious system that existed from the ancient to the modern period," a view echoed by historian Kuroda Toshio, who noted that "before modern times Shinto did not exist as an independent religion."
Categorization
Many scholars classify Shinto as a religion, a concept first translated into Japanese as shūkyō around the Meiji Restoration. Conversely, some practitioners perceive Shinto as a "way," thereby characterizing it more as custom or tradition. This perspective is partly an effort to bypass the modern separation of religion and state and to re-establish Shinto's historical connections with the Japanese state. Furthermore, many categories of religion and religiosity defined within Western culture "do not readily apply" to Shinto. Unlike religions prevalent in Western nations, such as Christianity and Islam, Shinto lacks a single founder or a singular canonical text. While Western religions often emphasize exclusivity, in Japan, the simultaneous practice of diverse religious traditions has long been considered acceptable, leading to a highly pluralistic religious landscape. Shinto is frequently cited alongside Buddhism as one of Japan's two primary religions; these two often differ in their fundamental focus, with Buddhism stressing the cessation of suffering, while Shinto concentrates on adapting to life's pragmatic demands. Shinto has incorporated elements from religions imported from mainland Asia, including Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, and Chinese divination practices, and shares characteristics such as polytheism with other East Asian religions.
The classification of Shinto has been a subject of scholarly debate among religious studies experts. Inoue categorized it as part of "the family of East-Asian religions." Philosopher Stuart D. B. Picken proposed that Shinto should be recognized as a world religion, while historian H. Byron Earhart characterized it as a "major religion." Shinto is frequently described as an indigenous religion, though this designation sparks discussions regarding the varying definitions of "indigenous" within the Japanese context. The perception of Shinto as Japan's "indigenous religion" emerged from the rise of modern nationalism during the Edo and Meiji periods. This perspective advanced the idea that Shinto's origins were prehistoric and that it embodied something akin to the "underlying will of Japanese culture." For example, the prominent Shinto theologian Sokyo Ono asserted that kami worship constituted "an expression" of the Japanese "native racial faith which arose in the mystic days of remote antiquity" and was "as indigenous as the people that brought the Japanese nation into existence." Many scholars, however, consider this classification inaccurate. Earhart observed that Shinto, having assimilated significant Chinese and Buddhist influences, was "too complex to be labelled simply [as an] indigenous religion." In the early 21st century, it became increasingly common for adherents to refer to Shinto as a nature religion, a move critics interpreted as a strategy to distance the tradition from contentious issues related to militarism and imperialism.
Shinto exhibits considerable local variation, leading anthropologist John K. Nelson to describe it as "not a unified, monolithic entity." Several distinct forms of Shinto have been identified. "Shrine Shinto" pertains to practices centered around shrines, while "Domestic Shinto" refers to the veneration of kami within the home. Some academics employ the term "Folk Shinto" to denote localized Shinto practices or those occurring outside institutionalized settings. In various historical periods, "State Shinto" also existed, characterized by a close integration of Shinto beliefs and practices with the Japanese state. As a "portmanteau term" encompassing numerous diverse traditions across Japan, "Shinto" shares similarities with "Hinduism," which describes varied traditions throughout South Asia.
Etymology
The term Shinto is commonly translated into English as "the way of the kami," although its meaning has evolved throughout Japanese history. Other terms are occasionally used synonymously with "Shinto," including kami no michi (神の道, "the way of the kami"), kannagara no michi (神ながらの道, also rendered as 随神の道 or 惟神の道, "the way of the kami from time immemorial"), Kodō (古道, "the ancient way"), Daidō (大道, "the great way"), and Teidō (帝道, "the imperial way").
The term Shinto originates from the combination of two Chinese characters: shin (神), signifying "spirit" or "god," and tō (道), meaning "way," "road," or "path." "Shintō" (神道, "the Way of the Gods") was a term already present in the Book of Changes, where it referred to the divine order of nature. Around the period of Buddhism's expansion during the Han dynasty (206 BCE – 220 CE), it served to differentiate indigenous Chinese religions from the newly introduced faith. Ge Hong employed it in his Baopuzi as a synonym for Taoism.
The Chinese term 神道 (MC zyin dawX) was initially adopted into Japanese as Jindō, potentially first used in a Buddhist context to denote non-Buddhist deities. One of the earliest known occurrences of the term Shinto in Japan appears in the 8th-century text, Nihon Shoki. In this context, it might have functioned as a generic descriptor for popular belief or, alternatively, referenced Taoism, given the recent importation of numerous Taoist practices from mainland Asia. During these early Japanese applications, the word Shinto did not denote a distinct religious tradition or anything uniquely Japanese. For instance, the 11th-century Konjaku monogatarishui mentions a woman in China practicing Shinto and individuals in India worshipping kami, indicating that these terms were used to describe religions beyond Japan itself.
In medieval Japan, the veneration of kami was generally integrated into Japanese Buddhism, with kami often interpreted as manifestations of Buddhas. During this era, the term Shinto increasingly denoted "the authority, power, or activity of a kami, the state of being a kami, or, concisely, the inherent qualities or attributes of a kami." This conceptualization appears in historical texts such as Nakatomi no harai kunge and the narratives found in Shintōshū. By 1603, the Japanese Portuguese Dictionary defined Shinto as referring to "kami or matters associated with kami." The term Shinto gained widespread usage during the 15th century. In the late Edo period, kokugaku scholars began employing Shinto to characterize what they perceived as an ancient, enduring, and indigenous Japanese tradition predating Buddhism. They contended that Shinto should serve to differentiate kami worship from other traditions, including Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism. This specific application of the term Shinto grew progressively more prevalent from the 18th century onward. However, the term Shinto only became commonly adopted since the early 20th century, when it replaced taikyō ('great religion') as the official designation for the Japanese state religion. In English, the religion is also known as "Shintoism," although some academics dispute the inclusion of the suffix -ism, citing Shinto's lack of a codified doctrinal system.
Beliefs
Kami
Shinto is characterized by its polytheistic nature, encompassing the veneration of numerous deities referred to as kami, or occasionally as jingi (神祇). In the Japanese language, the term kami functions as both a singular and plural noun, denoting individual kami as well as the entire pantheon of kami. Despite the absence of a precise English equivalent, kami has been variously translated as "god" or "spirit." However, religious historian Joseph Kitagawa considered these English renditions "quite unsatisfactory and misleading," leading many scholars to advise against direct translation of kami into English. Japanese tradition frequently asserts the existence of "eight million kami," a phrase signifying an immeasurable quantity, and adherents of Shinto believe these entities are ubiquitous. These deities are not perceived as omnipotent, omniscient, or inherently immortal.
The concept of kami is "conceptually fluid," characterized by its "vague and imprecise" nature. In Japanese culture, the term is frequently applied to the inherent power of phenomena that evoke feelings of wonder and profound awe in observers. Kitagawa termed this "the kami nature," suggesting it was "somewhat analogous" to Western notions of the numinous and the sacred. Kami are believed to reside within both living and deceased beings, organic and inorganic substances, and natural calamities such as earthquakes, droughts, and plagues. Their presence is also discernible in elemental forces like wind, rain, fire, and sunshine. Consequently, Nelson observed that Shinto considers "the actual phenomena of the world itself" to be "divine." This worldview is often described as animistic.
The veneration of kami in Japan dates back to prehistoric times. During the Yayoi period, these deities were conceptualized as formless and invisible, later evolving into anthropomorphic depictions influenced by Buddhism. Currently, sculptural representations of the kami are referred to as shinzo. Typically, kami are linked to particular locations, frequently significant natural landmarks such as waterfalls, mountains, large rocks, or unique trees. Physical objects or sites believed to embody the presence of kami are designated as shintai. Specifically, objects housing kami that are enshrined within a sanctuary are known as go-shintai. Commonly selected items for this role include mirrors, swords, stones, beads, and inscribed tablets. These go-shintai are kept hidden from public view and may be enclosed within boxes, ensuring that even the priests remain unaware of their precise appearance.
The kami are perceived as entities capable of both benevolent and destructive actions; disregard for proper conduct may provoke the kami to inflict punishment, frequently manifesting as illness or sudden death, a phenomenon known as shinbatsu. Certain kami, specifically designated as magatsuhi-no-kami or araburu kami, are considered inherently malevolent and destructive. To secure their blessings and avert detrimental acts, offerings and prayers are presented to the kami. Shinto endeavors to foster and maintain a harmonious relationship between humanity and the kami, thereby extending this harmony to the natural environment. Local communities often develop a sense of intimacy and familiarity with their localized kami, a sentiment typically not extended to more widely venerated kami such as Amaterasu. The kami associated with a specific community is termed its ujigami, whereas the yashikigami pertains to a particular household.
The kami are not regarded as metaphysically distinct from humans, implying that individuals can potentially attain the status of kami. Deceased ancestors and other human figures are occasionally venerated as kami, serving as protective entities. For instance, Emperor Ōjin received posthumous enshrinement as the kami Hachiman, revered as a guardian of Japan and a kami of warfare. In Western Japan, the term jigami denotes the enshrined kami associated with a village's founder. Furthermore, certain living individuals were historically perceived as kami, referred to as akitsumi kami or arahito-gami. During the Meiji era's State Shinto system, the Japanese emperor was officially proclaimed a kami, and various Shinto denominations have similarly regarded their leaders as living kami.
While certain kami receive veneration exclusively at a single site, others are honored in numerous shrines distributed across various regions. For example, Hachiman is the focus of approximately 25,000 dedicated shrines, whereas Inari commands 40,000. The process of establishing an additional shrine for a kami already possessing one is termed bunrei, signifying "dividing the spirit." This involves inviting the kami to inhabit a new location, with the installation ritual referred to as a kanjo. The resulting subsidiary shrine is designated a bunsha. The power of individual kami is not considered to be attenuated by their presence in multiple sites, and there is no restriction on the number of locations where a kami may be enshrined. Historically, during certain periods, fees were levied for the privilege of enshrining a specific kami at a new site. Furthermore, shrines are not invariably conceived as permanent architectural constructions.
Numerous kami possess messengers, identified as kami no tsukai or tsuka washime, which typically manifest in animal forms. For instance, Inari's messenger is a fox (kitsune), whereas Hachiman's is a dove. Shinto cosmology additionally encompasses malevolent spirits known as bakemono, a classification that includes oni, tengu, kappa, mononoke, and yamanba. Japanese folklore also features the belief in goryō or onryō, which are restless or vengeful spirits, especially those of individuals who experienced violent deaths without proper funerary rituals. These spirits are thought to inflict suffering upon the living, necessitating their pacification, typically through Buddhist ceremonies, but occasionally by enshrining them as a kami. Additional Japanese supernatural entities include the tanuki, zoomorphic beings capable of assuming human guise.
Cosmogony
While varying in specific details, the genesis of the kami and the formation of Japan are documented in two 8th-century texts: the Kojiki and the Nihon Shoki. These texts, significantly influenced by Chinese thought, were commissioned by the ruling elite to legitimize and reinforce their authority. Despite their limited historical significance in Japanese religious practice, the government in the early 20th century officially declared these accounts to be factual.
The ancient text Kojiki narrates the cosmic origin, beginning with ame-tsuchi, a primordial separation of luminous and pure elements (ame, "heaven") from dense elements (tsuchi, "earth"). Subsequently, three kami emerged: Amenominakanushi, Takamimusuhi no Mikoto, and Kamimusuhi no Mikoto. Additional kami manifested thereafter, notably the siblings Izanagi and Izanami. These kami commissioned Izanagi and Izanami to form terrestrial land. Fulfilling this directive, the siblings agitated the saline ocean with an adorned spear, resulting in the creation of Onogoro Island. Izanagi and Izanami then descended to Earth, where Izanami subsequently bore more kami. Among these was a fire kami, whose birth proved fatal to Izanami. Izanagi journeyed to yomi to reclaim his sister, only to discover her body in a state of decomposition. Mortified by her appearance, she pursued him from yomi, and he sealed its entrance with a large stone.
To purify himself from the defilement incurred by observing Izanami's decomposition, Izanagi performed a ritual ablution in the sea. This act led to the manifestation of additional kami from his form: Amaterasu, the sun kami, originated from his left eye; Tsukuyomi, the moon kami, from his right eye; and Susanoo, the storm kami, from his nose. Susanoo's destructive conduct prompted Amaterasu to conceal herself within a cave, thereby enveloping the world in darkness. The other kami ultimately persuaded her to re-emerge. Subsequently, Susanoo was exiled to Earth, where he established a family. As documented in the Kojiki, Amaterasu dispatched her grandson, Ninigi, to govern Japan, bestowing upon him curved beads, a mirror, and a sword—emblems of Japanese imperial sovereignty. Amaterasu is widely regarded as Japan's most revered kami.
Cosmology and the Afterlife
Within Shinto, the fundamental creative principle that pervades all existence is termed musubi, which is linked to its own specific kami. Traditional Japanese philosophy lacks a pervasive dualistic framework of good versus evil. The term aki denotes misfortune, sorrow, and calamity, yet it does not precisely align with the Western understanding of evil. Shinto does not incorporate an eschatological doctrine. Foundational texts like the Kojiki and Nihon Shoki delineate a cosmology comprising multiple realms. This cosmic structure is typically presented as tripartite: the Plane of High Heaven (Takama-no-hara), inhabited by the kami; the Phenomenal or Manifested World (Utsushi-yo), where human beings reside; and the Nether World (Yomotsu-kuni), home to impure spirits. Despite this categorization, the mythological narratives do not establish rigid boundaries between these distinct realms.
Contemporary Shinto prioritizes terrestrial existence over any post-mortem state, though it does affirm the existence of a human spirit or soul, known as mitama or tamashii, which comprises four facets. Although native conceptions of an afterlife likely predated the introduction of Buddhism, modern Japanese individuals frequently integrate Buddhist perspectives on the afterlife. Ancient narratives, such as the Kojiki, depict yomi or yomi-no-kuni as a domain of the deceased; however, this concept holds no significance in contemporary Shinto practice. Modern Shinto's understanding of the afterlife primarily centers on the notion that the spirit persists beyond physical demise and continues to aid the living. Following a period of 33 years, this spirit assimilates into the family kami. These ancestral spirits are occasionally believed to inhabit mountainous regions, from which they descend to participate in agricultural rituals. Shinto's eschatological beliefs also encompass the obake, which are restless spirits of individuals who experienced unfortunate deaths and frequently seek retribution.
Purity and Impurity
A central tenet of Shinto involves the proactive avoidance of kegare (defined as "pollution" or "impurity") and the concurrent cultivation of harae ("purity"). Within Japanese philosophical tradition, human beings are inherently regarded as pure. Consequently, Kegare is perceived as a transient state remediable through the attainment of harae. Purification rituals are performed to reinstate an individual's spiritual well-being and facilitate their constructive engagement with society.
The concept of purity permeates numerous aspects of Japanese culture, exemplified by the emphasis on ritual bathing. For instance, purification is considered crucial in preparation for the planting season, and noh theater performers undertake a purification rite before their performances. Within Shinto, specific elements are identified as pollutants, including death, disease, witchcraft, the live flaying of an animal, incest, bestiality, excrement, and blood related to menstruation or childbirth. To avert kegare (defilement), priests and other adherents may practice abstinence and refrain from certain activities before festivals or rituals. Additionally, certain words, known as imi-kotoba, are considered taboo and are avoided at shrines; these encompass shi (death), byō (illness), and shishi (meat).
The purification ceremony called misogi utilizes fresh water, salt water, or salt to eliminate kegare. Complete immersion in the sea is frequently considered the most ancient and effective method of purification. This practice is connected to the mythological narrative where Izanagi immersed himself in the sea for purification after encountering his deceased wife, an act from which other kami emerged from his body. Immersion beneath a waterfall offers an alternative. Salt is commonly perceived as a purifying agent; for example, some Shinto practitioners sprinkle salt on themselves following a funeral, and restaurant owners may place a small mound of salt outside before opening daily. Fire is also recognized as a means of purification. The yaku-barai represents a type of harae intended to avert misfortune, whereas the oharae, or "ceremony of great purification," is frequently employed for year-end purification rituals and is performed biannually at numerous shrines.
Kannagara: Morality and Ethics
Shinto encompasses moral narratives and myths but lacks a codified ethical doctrine, consequently presenting no "unified, systematized code of behaviour." Nevertheless, an ethical framework emerges from its practice, emphasizing sincerity (makoto), honesty (tadashii), diligence (tsui-shin), and gratitude (kansha) directed toward the kami. Shojiki is esteemed as a virtue, embodying honesty, integrity, truthfulness, and candor. Shinto occasionally references four virtues, termed akaki kiyoki kokoro or sei-mei-shin, signifying "purity and cheerfulness of heart," which are associated with the state of harae. Shinto's perspectives on sexuality and fertility are typically direct. The adaptability of Shinto concerning morality and ethics has drawn frequent criticism, particularly from those who contend that the religion can easily be exploited to legitimize authority and power.
Within Shinto, kannagara ("way of the kami") represents the law of the natural order, wherein wa ("benign harmony") is intrinsic to all phenomena. Disrupting wa is considered detrimental, whereas contributing to it is viewed as beneficial; consequently, the subordination of the individual to the broader social unit has historically characterized the religion. Throughout Japanese history, the concept of saisei-itchi, signifying the unification of religious and political authority, has maintained prominence. In the contemporary era, Shinto has exhibited tendencies toward conservatism and nationalism, an association that leads various Japanese civil liberties organizations and neighboring nations to view Shinto with suspicion. The Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo, dedicated to Japan's war dead, has been particularly contentious. In 1979, the shrine enshrined 14 individuals who had been designated Class-A defendants at the 1946 Tokyo War Crimes Trials, provoking widespread domestic and international condemnation, especially from China and Korea.
Shinto priests frequently encounter complex ethical dilemmas. For example, during the 1980s, clergy at the Suwa Shrine in Nagasaki deliberated on the appropriateness of extending an invitation to the crew of a U.S. Navy vessel, then berthed in the port city, to participate in their festival celebrations. This discussion arose due to the historical sensitivities associated with the 1945 atomic bombing of Nagasaki by the United States. Furthermore, priests have historically resisted construction initiatives on properties owned by shrines. A notable instance occurred in Kaminoseki in the early 2000s, where a priest faced pressure to resign following his opposition to the divestiture of shrine lands for the construction of a nuclear power plant. In the twenty-first century, Shinto has increasingly been characterized as a nature-centric spiritual tradition possessing environmentalist attributes. This perception is reinforced by collaborations between various shrines and local environmental campaigns, alongside events such as the international interfaith conference on environmental sustainability hosted at the Ise shrine in 2014. However, critical observers have posited that the portrayal of Shinto as an environmentalist movement may constitute a rhetorical strategy rather than a genuine, coordinated endeavor by Shinto institutions to achieve environmental sustainability.
Ritual Practices and Observances
Shinto places primary emphasis on ritualistic conduct rather than theological doctrine. Philosophers James W. Boyd and Ron G. Williams asserted that Shinto fundamentally represents "a ritual tradition," while Picken noted that "Shinto is interested not in credenda but in agenda, not in things that should be believed but in things that should be done." Clark B. Offner, a distinguished scholar of religion, articulated that Shinto's central objective involves "maintaining communal, ceremonial traditions for the purpose of human (communal) well-being." Differentiating Shinto practices from broader Japanese customs frequently presents a challenge. Picken, for instance, observed that the "worldview of Shinto" served as the "principal source of self-understanding within the Japanese way of life." Nelson further affirmed that "Shinto-based orientations and values [...] lie at the core of Japanese culture, society, and character."
Jinja Shrines
Public venues dedicated to the veneration of the kami are commonly referred to by the generic designation jinja, which translates as "kami-place." This nomenclature denotes the site itself, rather than a particular architectural structure. In English, Jinja is typically rendered as "shrine," though historical texts occasionally used "temple," a term now predominantly applied to Buddhist edifices in Japan. Japan hosts approximately 100,000 public shrines; of these, around 80,000 maintain affiliation with the Association of Shinto Shrines, while the remaining 20,000 operate independently. These shrines are distributed nationwide, encompassing both remote rural landscapes and densely populated urban centers. More specialized terminology is occasionally employed for particular shrines, contingent upon their designated function. For instance, prominent shrines with imperial connections are designated as jingū; those consecrated to war casualties are known as shokonsha; and shrines associated with mountains believed to be inhabited by kami are termed yama-miya.
Shinto shrines, known as jinja, typically comprise complexes of multiple structures, with their architectural styles predominantly evolving by the Heian period. The inner sanctuary, where the kami (divine spirit) is believed to reside, is designated as the honden. Within the honden, various materials associated with the kami may be preserved; these items, collectively termed shinpo, encompass artworks, garments, weaponry, musical instruments, bells, and mirrors. Worshippers customarily perform their rituals externally to the honden. Adjacent to the honden, a subsidiary shrine, known as a bekkū, may occasionally be situated, dedicated to a different kami; the kami enshrined within this bekkū is not inherently considered subordinate to the kami of the honden. In certain locations, halls specifically for worship, designated as haiden, have been constructed. A hall dedicated to offerings, termed a heiden, is typically situated on a lower architectural tier. Collectively, the edifice encompassing the honden, haiden, and heiden is referred to as a hongū. Some shrines feature a distinct structure for conducting supplementary ceremonies, such as weddings, identified as a gishikiden, or a specialized building for the performance of the kagura dance, known as the kagura-den. The core edifices of a shrine are collectively termed the shaden, whereas its surrounding grounds are designated as the keidaichi or shin'en. This precinct is encircled by a tamagaki fence, with access provided through a shinmon gate, which is capable of being secured during nocturnal hours.
Entrances to Shinto shrines are demarcated by a distinctive two-post gateway, surmounted by either one or two crossbeams, universally recognized as a torii. The precise architectural specifications of these torii exhibit considerable variation, with a documented minimum of twenty distinct stylistic forms. These structures are considered to delineate the sacred space inhabited by the kami; consequently, traversing beneath them is frequently interpreted as an act of ritual purification. On a broader scale, torii have achieved international recognition as emblematic symbols of Japan. While their architectural form is unequivocally Japanese, the prevalent practice of painting many torii in vermillion hue reflects a discernible Chinese influence originating from the Nara period. Additionally, numerous shrine entrances feature komainu, which are statues depicting lion- or dog-like creatures believed to repel malevolent spirits; these are customarily presented in pairs, with one figure exhibiting an open mouth and the other a closed mouth.
Shrines are frequently situated within gardens or forested groves, termed chinju no mori ("forest of the tutelary" kami), which range in scale from a limited number of trees to extensive tracts of woodland. Substantial lanterns, identified as tōrō, are commonly observed within these sacred precincts. Furthermore, shrines typically incorporate an administrative office, designated as a shamusho; a saikan, where priests engage in practices of abstinence and purification before performing rituals; and other ancillary structures, including priests' living quarters and a storehouse. Numerous kiosks frequently offer amulets for purchase by visitors. Commencing in the late 1940s, shrines became obligated to achieve financial self-sufficiency, primarily sustained by contributions from worshippers and visitors. These financial resources are allocated to remunerate priests, fund building maintenance, cover membership dues for various regional and national Shinto organizations, and contribute to disaster relief initiatives.
Within Shinto practice, maintaining the cleanliness and proper upkeep of sites where kami are venerated is considered paramount. Extending through the Edo period, the customary practice involved the demolition and subsequent reconstruction of kami shrines at proximate locations to eliminate impurities and uphold ritual purity. This tradition persists in contemporary times at specific sites, exemplified by the Ise Grand Shrine, which undergoes relocation to an adjacent plot every two decades. Furthermore, individual shrines may be consolidated through a process termed jinja gappei, whereas the ritualistic transfer of the kami from one structure to another is designated as sengu. Shrines often possess foundational legends, referred to as en-gi. These narratives occasionally document miraculous events linked to the shrine. Subsequent to the Heian period, these en-gi were frequently recounted on pictorial scrolls, known as emakimono.
Priesthood and Miko
Shrines are typically maintained by priests, local community groups, or the families owning the land where the shrine is situated. In Japanese, Shinto priests are designated as kannushi, a term signifying "proprietor of kami," or by the alternative titles shinshoku or shinkan. Historically, the role of kannushi has often been assumed through hereditary succession within particular families. Presently, aspiring kannushi in Japan receive their training primarily at two institutions: Kokugakuin University in Tokyo and Kogakkan University in Mie Prefecture. Priests are eligible for advancement through a hierarchical structure throughout their careers. The priestly staff at a given shrine varies considerably; some may employ dozens of priests, while others operate without any, relying instead on administration by local lay volunteers. Furthermore, some priests oversee the management of several smaller shrines, occasionally exceeding ten.
The ceremonial attire of Shinto priests is predominantly derived from the garments worn by the imperial court during the Heian period. This regalia encompasses a tall, rounded hat, termed an eboshi, and black lacquered wooden clogs, referred to as asagutsu. The primary outer vestment worn by a priest, typically rendered in black, red, or light blue, is known as the hō or the ikan. For formal ceremonies, a white silk variant of the ikan is designated as the saifuku. Additionally, the kariginu constitutes another priestly robe, designed in the style of Heian-era hunting attire. Standard priestly accoutrements also include a hiōgi fan, and during ritual performances, priests carry a flat wooden staff called a shaku. This ceremonial regalia is typically more elaborate than the austere vestments characteristic of Japanese Buddhist monks.
The principal priest overseeing a shrine is designated as the gūji. More substantial shrines may additionally employ an assistant head priest, known as the gon-gūji. Similar to educators and Buddhist clergy, Shinto priests are frequently addressed as sensei by lay adherents. Historically, female priests existed, though their roles were largely curtailed following 1868. During World War II, women were once more permitted to serve as priests, addressing the personnel shortage resulting from extensive male military conscription. By the close of the 1990s, approximately 90% of priests were male and 10% female, a demographic imbalance that fueled allegations of gender discrimination within Shinto. Priests are permitted to marry and raise families. In smaller shrines, priests frequently hold other full-time occupations, serving in their priestly capacity exclusively during specific ceremonial events. Prior to significant festivals, priests may observe a period of sexual abstinence. Furthermore, some festival participants also refrain from various other consumables, including tea, coffee, or alcohol, in the immediate lead-up to these events.
Priests receive assistance from jinja miko, often translated as "shrine-maidens" in English. These miko are generally unmarried, though virginity is not a prerequisite. Frequently, they are the daughters of a priest or a lay practitioner. Within the contemporary shrine hierarchy, they occupy a subordinate position to the priests. Their most significant function involves participation in the kagura dance, specifically the otome-mai. While miko receive modest remuneration, they accrue respect from the local community and acquire valuable skills such as cooking, calligraphy, painting, and etiquette, which can prove advantageous in future employment searches or marital prospects. Typically, they do not reside within the shrine premises. Occasionally, they undertake additional responsibilities, including serving as secretaries in shrine offices, clerks at information desks, or waitresses during naorai feasts. Furthermore, they provide assistance to kannushi during ceremonial observances.
Shrine Visitation
Visits to Shinto shrines are formally designated as sankei or jinja mairi. Some adherents undertake daily visits, often integrating them into their morning commute, with each During worship, an individual customarily approaches the honden, deposits a monetary offering into a designated box, and then rings a bell to attract the attention of the kami. This is followed by bowing, clapping, and a silent prayer. The act of clapping is referred to as either kashiwade or hakushu, while the prayers or supplications are termed kigan. This specific form of individual worship is known as hairei. More broadly, ritual prayers directed to the kami are called norito, and the monetary offerings are identified as saisen. It is not uncommon for individuals praying at a shrine to lack specific knowledge of the particular kami residing there, or even the number of kami believed to inhabit the site. Distinct from practices in some other religious traditions, Shinto shrines do not mandate weekly services for their practitioners.
Some Shinto practitioners opt not to offer prayers directly to the kami, instead commissioning a priest to perform these supplications on their behalf; such prayers are termed kitō. Many individuals direct pragmatic requests to the kami. Historically, requests for rain, known as amagoi ("rain-soliciting"), have been prevalent throughout Japan, with Inari frequently invoked for this purpose. Contemporary concerns also manifest in prayers; for example, individuals may solicit a priest to approach the kami for the purification of a vehicle, hoping to avert accidents, a rite known as kotsu anzen harai ("purification for road safety"). Likewise, transportation corporations commonly commission purification ceremonies for new buses or aircraft prior to their operational deployment. Furthermore, before commencing construction, it is customary for private citizens or development firms to engage a Shinto priest to conduct the jichinsai, an earth sanctification ritual, on the proposed building site. This ceremony serves to purify the location and invoke blessings from the kami.
Individuals frequently petition the kami for assistance in mitigating potential inauspicious occurrences. For example, within Japanese cultural beliefs, the age of 33 is considered unlucky for women, and 42 for men; consequently, people may seek intervention from the kami to counteract any misfortune associated with these specific ages. Additionally, certain cardinal directions are perceived as unfavorable for particular individuals at designated times, prompting requests to the kami to avert adverse outcomes should travel in such directions become necessary.
Pilgrimage holds significant historical importance within Japanese religious traditions, with journeys to Shinto shrines specifically referred to as junrei. A structured sequence of pilgrimages, involving visits to multiple shrines and sacred locations forming a predefined circuit, is designated as a junpai. The individual who guides these pilgrims is occasionally known as a sendatsu. Over several centuries, shrines have also attracted visitors for predominantly cultural and recreational motives, distinct from purely spiritual ones. Numerous shrines are recognized for their historical significance, with some achieving classification as UNESCO World Heritage Sites. Prominent examples include Shimogamo Jinja and Fushimi Inari Taisha in Kyoto, Meiji Jingū in Tokyo, and Atsuta Jingū in Nagoya, which rank among Japan's most frequented tourist destinations. A common practice involves visitors collecting unique rubber-stamp seals from various shrines, which are then imprinted into a dedicated stamp book as a record of their visits.
Harae and Hōbei
Shinto rituals commence with a purification process, termed harae. This purification, often involving fresh or salt water, is identified as misogi. Within shrine contexts, this typically involves sprinkling water on the face and hands, a practice designated temizu, performed at a specialized font called a temizuya. An alternative purification method at the initiation of a Shinto rite involves the ceremonial waving of a white paper streamer or wand, known as the haraigushi. Typically, the haraigushi is stored on a stand when not actively employed. The officiating priest performs a horizontal waving motion with the haraigushi over the individual or object undergoing purification, a movement termed sa-yu-sa ("left-right-left"). Occasionally, the purification ritual utilizes an o-nusa—an evergreen branch adorned with paper strips—as a substitute for the haraigushi. The ceremonial waving of the haraigushi frequently precedes a subsequent purification act, known as shubatsu, during which the priest dispenses water, salt, or brine from a wooden container, either an 'en-to-oke or a magemono, over the congregants.
Following the completion of purification rites, formal petitions, termed norito, are addressed to the kami. Subsequently, the miko appear, initiating a deliberate circular movement before the principal altar. Offerings are then ceremonially presented to the kami by placement upon a table. This ritual act is designated hōbei, with the offerings themselves referred to as saimotsu or sonae-mono. Historically, offerings presented to the kami encompassed items such as food, textiles, swords, and horses. In contemporary practice, lay adherents typically provide monetary contributions to the kami, whereas priests commonly present food, beverages, and sprigs from the sacred sakaki tree. Animal sacrifices are deemed inappropriate offerings, given that the act of bloodletting is perceived as polluting and requires subsequent purification. The nature of offerings varies, ranging from simple to highly elaborate; for example, at the Grand Shrine of Ise, one hundred distinct types of food are ceremonially arranged. The selection of offerings is frequently customized to align with the particular kami being honored and the specific ceremonial occasion.
Food and drink offerings are specifically designated as shinsen. Sake, a traditional rice wine, constitutes a prevalent offering to the kami. Subsequent to the presentation of offerings, participants frequently partake in sipping rice wine, referred to as o-miki. The consumption of o-miki wine is interpreted as a symbolic act of communion with the kami. During significant ceremonial events, a celebratory feast, known as naorai, is subsequently conducted within a banquet hall integrated into the shrine complex.
The kami are traditionally believed to appreciate musical performances. A prominent musical genre performed at shrines is gagaku. The instrumentation typically comprises three reed instruments (fue, sho, and hichiriki), the yamato-koto, and a trio of drums (taiko, kakko, and shōko). Additional musical styles presented at shrines may exhibit a more specialized thematic or regional emphasis. For instance, at shrines like Ōharano Shrine in Kyoto, azuma-asobi ("eastern entertainment") music is performed annually on April 8. Furthermore, numerous festivals in Kyoto incorporate the dengaku style of music and dance, which evolved from traditional rice-planting songs. During ritual observances, shrine visitors are customarily expected to adopt the seiza sitting posture, characterized by legs folded beneath the posterior. To mitigate discomfort or cramping, individuals maintaining this posture for extended durations may intermittently adjust their leg positions and flex their heels.
Household Shrines
Following a surge in popularity during the Meiji era, numerous Shinto adherents now maintain a domestic shrine, or kamidana (literally, "kami shelf"), within their residences. These typically comprise shelves situated at an elevated location, often within a living room. Furthermore, kamidana are observed in diverse settings, including workplaces, restaurants, retail establishments, and maritime vessels. Certain public shrines offer complete kamidana units for purchase.
Many Japanese households feature both a kamidana and a butsudan, the latter being a Buddhist altar dedicated to family ancestors, reflecting the enduring significance of ancestral reverence in Japanese religious practices. For the infrequent occasions when a Shinto funeral is chosen over a Buddhist one, a tama-ya, mitama-ya, or sorei-sha shrine may be installed within the home as an alternative to a butsudan. Such a shrine is typically positioned beneath the kamidana and incorporates symbolic representations of the ancestral spirit, such as a mirror or a scroll.
A kamidana frequently houses the kami from a local public shrine, alongside a tutelary kami linked to the household's residents or their occupation. These altars may be adorned with miniature torii and shimenawa, and often contain amulets acquired from public shrines. A designated stand for offerings is typically included, where daily provisions of rice, salt, and water are presented, with sake and other specific items offered on ceremonial occasions. These household rituals are commonly performed in the early morning, preceded by purification rites such as bathing, mouth rinsing, or hand washing.
Domestic Shinto practices may center on the dōzoku-shin, which are kami considered ancestral to a dōzoku or extended kinship group. Small household shrines dedicated to ancestors are termed soreisha. Similarly, minor village shrines housing the tutelary kami of an extended family are referred to as iwai-den. Beyond the prominent jinja shrines and private household altars, Shinto also encompasses smaller wayside shrines known as hokora. Furthermore, iwasaka, defined as areas encircled by sacred rocks, serve as open-air sites for the veneration of kami.
Ema, Divination, and Amulets
Shinto shrines commonly offer ema, which are small wooden votive plaques upon which adherents inscribe wishes or desires for fulfillment. The practitioner's message occupies one side of the plaque, while the reverse typically features a printed image or design associated with the specific shrine. Ema are available at both Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples across Japan; however, unlike most amulets that are carried away, ema are customarily left at the shrine as a direct communication to the resident kami. Shrine administrators frequently incinerate the accumulated ema during the New Year period.
Divination constitutes a central element of numerous Shinto rituals, with practitioners employing diverse methods, some of which originated in China. Historically, forms of divination such as rokuboku and kiboku were prevalent in Japan. Shintō also incorporates several archery-based divination practices, including yabusame, omato-shinji, and mato-i. Kitagawa asserted the undeniable significance of various "shamanic diviners" in early Japanese religious traditions. Another historically common Japanese divination method was bokusen or uranai, frequently involving tortoise shells, which persists in certain localities today.
A widely practiced form of divination at Shinto shrines involves omikuji. These small paper slips, acquired from the shrine typically for a donation, are interpreted to disclose future predictions. Individuals who receive an unfavorable prediction frequently tie their omikuji to a nearby tree or a designated frame. This action, known as sute-mikuji, is understood as a rejection of the prophecy, thereby averting the foretold misfortune.
Amulets are widely sanctioned and popular throughout Japan. These objects may be crafted from various materials, including paper, wood, cloth, metal, or plastic. Ofuda function as amulets to ward off misfortune and simultaneously serve as talismans intended to bestow benefits and good fortune. Typically, they consist of a tapering wooden piece inscribed or printed with the name of the shrine and its enshrined kami. Subsequently, the ofuda is enveloped in white paper and secured with a colored thread. Ofuda are available at both Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples. Another category of amulet offered at shrines and temples is the omamori, traditionally characterized as a small, vibrantly colored drawstring pouch bearing the shrine's name. Occasionally, omamori and ofuda are housed within a charm bag termed a kinchaku, commonly worn by young children.
During the New Year period, numerous shrines offer hamaya, or "evil-destroying arrows," which individuals acquire to retain in their residences throughout the ensuing year for the purpose of attracting good fortune. A daruma represents a spherical paper doll depicting the Indian monk Bodhidharma. The recipient articulates a wish and paints one eye; upon the achievement of the objective, the second eye is then painted. Although primarily a Buddhist practice, daruma dolls are also available at Shinto shrines. These dolls are widely prevalent. Additional protective items encompass dorei, which are earthenware bells utilized for invoking good fortune. These bells typically assume the forms of zodiacal animals. Inuhariko are paper dogs employed to facilitate and bless successful childbirths. Collectively, these talismans, which are believed to manipulate events and influence spirits, along with associated mantras and rites serving the same objective, are designated as majinai.
Kagura
Kagura refers to the music and dance rituals performed for the kami; the term itself may have originated from kami no kura, signifying the "seat of the kami." Historically, dance has occupied a significant cultural role in Japan, and within Shinto, it is considered to possess the ability to appease kami. A mythological narrative recounts the genesis of kagura dance. As documented in the Kojiki and the Nihon Shoki, Ame-no-Uzume executed a dance intended to lure Amaterasu from her concealed location within a cave.
Kagura is broadly categorized into two principal forms. One form is Imperial kagura, also designated as mikagura. This particular style originated within the imperial court and continues to be performed annually on imperial grounds each December. Furthermore, it is presented at the Imperial harvest festival and at prominent shrines including Ise, Kamo, and Iwashimizu Hachiman-gū. Performances involve vocalists and instrumentalists employing shakubyoshi wooden clappers, a hichiriki, a kagura-bue flute, and a six-stringed zither. The second primary category is sato-kagura, which evolved from mikagura and is enacted at shrines throughout Japan. Depending on the specific style, it is executed by miko or by masked actors who embody diverse mythological figures. These performers are accompanied by a hayashi ensemble featuring flutes and drums. Additionally, various other regional forms of kagura exist.
Festivals
Public festivals are widely referred to as matsuri, a term encompassing diverse meanings such as "festival," "worship," "celebration," "rite," or "prayer," and lacking a direct English equivalent. Picken posited that these festivals constituted "the central act of Shinto worship," given Shinto's foundation as a "community- and family-based" religion. The majority of these events align with the agricultural year's seasons and involve presenting offerings to the kami as expressions of gratitude. Traditionally, Shinto shrines were expected to conduct their festival celebrations on hare-no-hi, or "clear days," which correspond to the new, full, and half moons, according to a lunar calendar. Conversely, ke-no-hi, or other days, were typically avoided for such festivities. Nevertheless, since the late 20th century, numerous shrines have rescheduled their festival celebrations to the nearest Saturday or Sunday, facilitating greater public attendance by minimizing work conflicts. Each town or village frequently hosts its own distinct festival, typically centered around a local shrine. For example, the Aoi Matsuri, observed on May 15 to invoke a bountiful grain harvest, occurs at shrines in Kyoto, whereas the Chichibu Night Festival is celebrated on December 2–3 in Chichibu.
Seasonal festivals are categorized by their timing and purpose. Spring festivals, known as haru-matsuri, frequently include prayers for a successful harvest and may feature ta-asobi ceremonies, which involve the ritual planting of rice. Summer festivals, designated as natsu-matsuri, typically concentrate on safeguarding crops from pests and other potential dangers. Autumn festivals, referred to as aki-matsuri, primarily serve to express gratitude to the kami for the rice and other harvests. A notable autumn observance is the Niiname-sai, or festival of new rice, which occurs at numerous Shinto shrines on November 23. During this festival, the emperor also performs a ceremony, presenting the initial harvest fruits to the kami at midnight. Winter festivals, termed fuyu no matsuri, often focus on anticipating spring, expelling malevolent forces, and invoking positive influences for the future. These winter celebrations bear considerable resemblance to specific New Year festivals.
The New Year season is designated as shogatsu. On December 31, known as omisoka, adherents typically cleanse their household shrines in anticipation of New Year's Day, January 1, or ganjitsu. A common practice involves numerous individuals visiting public shrines to commemorate the New Year; this initial During these visits, participants acquire amulets and talismans intended to bestow good fortune for the forthcoming year. For this festival, many Japanese adorn their residences and commercial establishments with ropes known as shimenawa. Additionally, some display kadomatsu ("gateway pine"), which are arrangements of pine branches, plum trees, and bamboo sticks. Smaller, more vibrant decorations called kazari are also exhibited, serving to ward off misfortune and attract prosperity. In various regions, New Year festivities include hadaka matsuri ("naked festivals"), where men, clad solely in a fundoshi loincloth, participate in specific activities such as competing for an object or immersing themselves in a river.
A prevalent element of these festivals involves processions or parades, termed gyōretsu. These events can be boisterous, often featuring intoxicated participants, and have been described by Breen and Teeuwen as possessing a "carnivalesque atmosphere." Such processions are frequently perceived as having a regenerative influence on both the individuals involved and the broader community. During these parades, the kami are transported within portable shrines known as mikoshi. In certain instances, these mikoshi undergo hamaori ("going down to the beach"), a ritual where they are carried to the seashore and occasionally into the sea, either by bearers or via boat. For example, during the Okunchi festival in Nagasaki, a southwestern city, the kami from Suwa Shrine are paraded to Ohato, where they reside in a shrine for several days before being returned to Suwa. These types of celebrations are typically orchestrated primarily by local community members, rather than by the priests themselves.
Rites of passage
Japanese culture places significant emphasis on the formal recognition of life events. A prevalent ritual, the hatsumiyamairi, involves a child's initial Traditionally, a male infant is presented at the shrine on the thirty-second day post-birth, while a female infant is brought on the thirty-third day. Historically, a female relative other than the mother, who was deemed ritually impure following childbirth, typically brought the child to the shrine; however, since the late 20th century, maternal accompaniment has become more customary. The saiten-sai, also known as seijin shiki, constitutes another significant rite of passage, signifying the transition to adulthood, typically observed around an individual's twentieth year. Shinto shrines frequently host wedding ceremonies, referred to as shinzen kekkon, which translates to "a wedding before the kami." Before the Meiji era, weddings were generally conducted within the home; nevertheless, shrines now consider these ceremonies a crucial revenue stream.
In Japan, funerals are predominantly conducted at Buddhist temples and typically involve cremation, with Shinto funerals being uncommon. Bocking observed that the majority of Japanese individuals are "still 'born Shinto' yet 'die Buddhist'." Within Shinto philosophy, interaction with death is perceived as conferring impurity (kegare); the subsequent period, termed kibuku, is linked to numerous taboos. When deceased individuals are enshrined as kami, their physical remains are not retained within the shrine. While infrequent, instances of funerals performed according to Shinto rites have been documented. The earliest recorded examples date back to the mid-17th century, occurring in specific Japanese regions with the endorsement of local authorities. Subsequent to the Meiji Restoration, the government officially sanctioned Shinto funerals exclusively for Shinto priests in 1868. This provision was expanded five years later to encompass the entire Japanese populace. Notwithstanding the Meiji government's advocacy for Shinto funerals, most of the population persisted in observing Buddhist funeral rites. In recent decades, Shinto funerals have typically been reserved for Shinto priests and adherents of particular Shinto sects. Following cremation, the standard funerary practice in Japan, a priest's ashes may be interred in proximity to the shrine, but not within its sacred precincts.
Ancestral veneration continues to be a significant component of Japanese religious practice. The invocation of the deceased, particularly those who died in war, is termed shōkon. Multiple rituals incorporate this concept. For example, during the predominantly Buddhist Bon festival, ancestral souls are believed to
Spirit Mediumship and Healing
Adherents of Shinto believe that the kami can possess individuals and communicate through them, a phenomenon termed kami-gakari. Various new religious movements rooted in Shinto, including Tenrikyo and Oomoto, originated from individuals asserting guidance by a possessing kami. The takusen represents an oracle transmitted from the kami through a medium.
The itako and ichiko are blind women who undergo training to become spiritual mediums, a tradition primarily observed in Japan's northern Tohoku region. Itako apprenticeships begin in childhood under experienced itako, involving the memorization of sacred texts and prayers, fasting, and rigorous ascetic practices, which are believed to foster supernatural abilities. During an initiation ceremony, a kami is thought to possess the young woman, followed by a ritual "marriage" between them. Subsequently, the kami assumes the role of her tutelary spirit, enabling her to invoke it and various other spirits in the future. By establishing contact with these spirits, she facilitates the transmission of their messages to the living. Itako typically perform their rituals autonomously, separate from the established shrine system. Japanese culture also encompasses spiritual healers, known as ogamiya-san, whose practices involve the invocation of both kami and Buddhas.
History
Early Development
Earhart posited that Shinto ultimately "emerged from the beliefs and practices of prehistoric Japan," though Kitagawa observed that the accurate classification of prehistoric Japanese religions as "early Shinto" remains debatable. The Yayoi period of Japanese prehistory provides the earliest material and iconographic evidence foreshadowing elements later incorporated into Shinto. During this era, kami were revered in association with various landscape features; their worship primarily involved supplication and appeasement, with scant indication of their perception as benevolent beings. Archaeological findings suggest that dotaku bronze bells, bronze weapons, and metal mirrors were integral to kami-centric rituals during the Yayoi period.
During this nascent period, Japan lacked political unification; by the Kofun period, the region was segmented into various Uji (clans), each possessing its own tutelary kami, known as the ujigami. The Kofun period witnessed the introduction of Confucianism and Buddhism to Japan through Korean migration. Buddhism significantly influenced the existing kami cults. Both immigrant communities and Japanese individuals increasingly receptive to these foreign influences constructed Buddhist temples across various parts of the Japanese islands. Conversely, several rival clans, exhibiting greater resistance to these external influences, commenced modifying their kami shrines to emulate the architectural styles of the nascent Buddhist structures. In the late 5th century, the imperial dynasty leader Yūryaku proclaimed himself daiō ("great king"), thereby establishing hegemony across a substantial portion of Japan. Commencing in the early 6th century CE, the ritualistic practices favored by the Yamato clan disseminated to other kami shrines throughout Japan, concomitant with the expansion of Yamato territorial influence. Concurrently, Buddhism experienced growth. The Nihon Shoki records that in 587, Emperor Yōmei converted to Buddhism, leading to its wider dissemination under his patronage.
In the mid-7th century, the Ritsuryō legal code was instituted to establish a centralized government modeled on Chinese administrative principles. Concomitantly, the Jingikan ("Council of Kami") was established to oversee state rituals and synchronize provincial ceremonial practices with those observed in the capital. These functions were performed in accordance with the Jingiryō, a code of kami law itself derived from the Chinese Book of Rites. Situated within the palace precincts, the Jingikan maintained comprehensive registers of shrines and their associated priests. An annual calendar of state rites was subsequently introduced, aiming to foster national unity through kami worship. These legally prescribed rituals were initially delineated in the Yōrō Code of 718, with further elaborations provided in the Jogan Gishiki (circa 872) and the Engi Shiki (927). The Jingikan also designated certain shrines as kansha ("official shrines"), granting them specific privileges and responsibilities. Hardacre identifies the Jingikan as "the institutional origin of Shinto."
In the early 8th century, Emperor Tenmu commissioned a compilation of Japanese clan legends and genealogies, culminating in the completion of the Kojiki in 712. This text, intended to legitimize the ruling dynasty, codified various narratives previously transmitted through oral tradition. The Kojiki notably excludes any mention of Buddhism, reflecting an intent to disregard foreign influences and underscore indigenous aspects of Japanese culture. Subsequently, the Nihon shoki was composed. In contrast to the Kojiki, this work incorporated numerous references to Buddhism and was directed towards an international readership. Both texts aimed to establish the imperial clan's lineage from the sun kami Amaterasu, despite presenting distinct cosmogonic narratives. The Nihon shoki rapidly surpassed the Kojiki in prominence. Concurrently, other contemporary texts also drew upon oral traditions concerning the kami. For instance, the Sendari kuji hongi was likely compiled by the Mononobe clan, while the Kogoshui was probably assembled for the Imbe clan; both works aimed to emphasize the divine origins of their respective lineages. A governmental decree in 713 mandated that each region produce fudoki—records detailing local geography, products, and narratives—which further unveiled traditions related to the kami prevalent during that era.
Beginning in the 8th century, kami worship and Buddhism became deeply integrated within Japanese society. The emperor and the imperial court conducted Buddhist rites concurrently with ceremonies honoring the kami. For instance, Emperor Tenmu designated a virginal imperial princess as the Saiō, a priestly role, to serve at the Ise Shrine on his behalf; this tradition was maintained by successive emperors. From the 8th century until the Meiji era, the kami were assimilated into Buddhist cosmology through diverse interpretations. One perspective posited that the kami, like all other life forms, were subject to the cycle of samsara (rebirth) and required adherence to Buddhist doctrines for liberation. Alternative interpretations regarded the kami as benevolent protectors of Buddhism, or even as Buddhas themselves, or enlightened beings. Within this framework, they could be understood as either hongaku, representing the pure spirits of the Buddhas, or honji suijaku, manifestations of the Buddhas endeavoring to assist all sentient beings.
Nara Period
The Nara period witnessed significant transformations across the nation, its governance, and religious practices. In 710 CE, Empress Genmei relocated the capital to Heijō-kyō (present-day Nara) following the emperor's death. This relocation was necessitated by the Shinto belief in the ritual impurity of death and the imperative to avoid such contamination. Nevertheless, the practice of moving the capital due to "death impurity" was subsequently abolished by the Taihō Code, coinciding with an increase in Buddhist influence. The establishment of the imperial city, in conjunction with the Taihō Code, held considerable importance for Shinto, as the office overseeing Shinto rites gained authority in integrating local clan shrines into the imperial system. Each time the capital was moved, new shrines were constructed and incorporated. All major shrines were regulated under the Taihō Code, mandating accountability for their revenues, priests, and practices, given their national significance.
Meiji Era and the Empire of Japan
Breen and Teeuwen identify the period from 1868 to 1915, coinciding with the Meiji era, as the "formative years" of modern Shinto, a time when some scholars contend Shinto was fundamentally "invented." Fridell designates the years 1868 to 1945 as the "State Shinto period," asserting that during these decades, Shinto elements were subjected to significant overt state influence and control, as the Japanese government systematically leveraged shrine worship to foster imperial loyalties for modern nation-building. Nevertheless, governmental treatment of shrines as extensions of the state predated the Meiji era. Furthermore, scholar Jason Ānanda Josephson argues that characterizing shrines during this period as a "state religion" or "theocracy" is imprecise, given their lack of organization, doctrine, and interest in proselytization.
The Meiji Restoration of 1868 was propelled by a resurgence of Confucian ethics and imperial patriotism within Japan's ruling elite. Reformers viewed Buddhism as a detrimental influence that had compromised Japan's perceived inherent purity and grandeur. Consequently, they sought to re-emphasize kami worship as an indigenous ritual practice, a stance further intensified by concerns regarding Western expansionism and the potential establishment of Christianity in Japan.
In 1868, all shrine priests were subordinated to the newly established Jingikan, or Council of Kami Affairs. A systematic initiative was launched to forcibly disassociate kami worship from Buddhism, leading to the prohibition of Buddhist monks, deities, structures, and rituals from kami shrines and the extensive destruction of Buddhist artifacts. By 1871, a revised shrine hierarchy was instituted, placing imperial and national shrines at its apex, while hereditary priesthoods were abolished in favor of a new state-sanctioned appointment system. The Jingikan was superseded by the Kyobusho, or Ministry of Edification, in 1872. This ministry orchestrated a nationwide campaign deploying kyodoshoku ("national evangelists") to propagate Japan's "Great Teaching," which encompassed reverence for the kami and loyalty to the emperor; this campaign ceased in 1884. By 1906, thousands of village shrines were consolidated, resulting in most small communities possessing only one shrine where ceremonies honoring the emperor could be conducted. Consequently, Shinto evolved into an effective state cult, vigorously promoted in the period preceding the Second World War.
In 1882, the Meiji government formally recognized 13 religious movements, distinct from both Buddhism and Christianity, as "Sect Shinto." The specific number and nomenclature of these officially designated sects fluctuated; they frequently integrated Shinto concepts with elements from Buddhist, Christian, Confucian, Daoist, and Western esoteric traditions. During the Meiji period, numerous local traditions diminished or disappeared, supplanted by nationally standardized practices promoted from Tokyo.
The Post-War Period
During the U.S. occupation, a new Japanese constitution was drafted, which codified religious freedom and mandated the separation of religion and state, specifically aiming to dismantle State Shinto. The emperor publicly disavowed his status as a kami, and Shinto rituals conducted by the imperial family were reclassified as private observances. This disestablishment terminated government financial support for shrines and granted them renewed autonomy in managing their affairs. In 1946, numerous shrines established a voluntary organization, the Association of Shinto Shrines (Jinja Honchō). A decade later, in 1956, the association promulgated a creedal statement, the keishin seikatsu no kōryō ("general characteristics of a life lived in reverence of the kami"), articulating its core principles. By the late 1990s, approximately 80% of Japan's Shinto shrines were affiliated with this association.
During the post-war era, many Japanese attributed the nation's defeat and subsequent occupation to Shinto's role in promoting militarism. Conversely, a segment of the population harbored nostalgia for State Shinto, leading to recurring apprehensions about potential efforts within Japanese society to reinstate it. Numerous legal controversies emerged concerning the participation of public officials in Shinto practices. For example, in 1965, the municipality of Tsu, Mie Prefecture, compensated four Shinto priests for a purification ceremony at the construction site of a new athletic hall. Opponents challenged this action in court, asserting that it violated the constitutional principle of separation of religion and state. In 1971, the high court declared the city administration's action unconstitutional, a decision subsequently reversed by the Supreme Court in 1977.
In the post-war period, Shinto motifs frequently integrated into emerging Japanese new religious movements. Among the various Sect Shinto groups, Tenrikyo achieved notable success, though it formally disavowed its Shinto affiliation in 1970. Shinto viewpoints also permeated popular culture; for instance, film director Hayao Miyazaki of Studio Ghibli recognized Shinto's impact on his cinematic works, including Spirited Away. Furthermore, Shinto expanded internationally through both Japanese emigration and conversions among non-Japanese individuals. The Tsubaki Grand Shrine in Suzuka, Mie Prefecture, pioneered the establishment of an overseas branch, the Tsubaki Grand Shrine of America, which initially resided in California before relocating to Granite Falls, Washington.
Throughout the 20th century, the majority of scholarly inquiry into Shinto was undertaken by Shinto theologians, frequently priests, which led to criticisms that their work often conflated theological perspectives with historical analysis. However, beginning in the 1980s, a resurgence of academic interest in Shinto emerged, both within Japan and internationally.
Demographics
A significant portion of the Japanese populace engages in multiple religious traditions, making it challenging to distinguish between Shintoists and Buddhists, as observed by Breen and Teeuwen, who noted "with few exceptions" this differentiation is not feasible. The primary exceptions are adherents of minority religious groups, such as Christianity, which typically advocate for exclusive worldviews. Ascertaining the precise percentage of the national population involved in Shinto practices is complicated because Japanese individuals frequently respond with "I have no religion" when queried about their religious affiliation. Many Japanese eschew the term "religion," partly due to their aversion to the connotations of its closest Japanese equivalent, shūkyō. This term originates from shū ("sect") and kyō ("doctrine").
Official demographic data identifies Shinto as Japan's predominant religion, with over 80 percent of the populace participating in Shinto-related activities. In contrast, surveys reveal that only a small fraction of Japanese individuals self-identify as "Shintoists." This discrepancy suggests that the number of people engaging in Shinto practices significantly exceeds those who formally claim Shinto as their religious identity. Given the absence of formal initiation rituals for "folk Shinto" practitioners, "Shinto membership" is frequently calculated by counting only those affiliated with organized Shinto sects. Nationally, Shinto encompasses approximately 81,000 shrines and around 85,000 priests. Surveys conducted in 2006 and 2008 indicated that less than 40% of the Japanese population identified with an organized religion, with roughly 35% identifying as Buddhists and 30% to 40% as members of Shinto sects and related religious traditions. In 2008, 26% of respondents reported frequent visits to Shinto shrines, yet only 16.2% affirmed a general belief in the existence of kami.
Shinto Beyond Japan
The late 19th and early 20th centuries witnessed the expansion of the Japanese Empire, which concurrently facilitated the dissemination of Shinto throughout its colonized territories. Between 1868 and 1945, a total of 1,640 shrines were constructed in regions under Japanese dominion. Furthermore, Japanese emigration commenced in 1885 with movements to Hawaii, primarily driven by economic motivations. Subsequently, from 1908, emigration to Brazil also began, where Japanese laborers were employed on coffee plantations. These emigrants established shrines to maintain their cultural heritage and venerate traditional deities.
Jinja located beyond Japan's borders are designated as kaigai jinja ("overseas shrines"), a nomenclature attributed to Ogasawara Shozo. Following the dissolution of the Empire of Japan in the 1940s, more than 600 jinja existed within its former colonial holdings, with a substantial number subsequently dismantled. Furthermore, Japanese diaspora communities have founded jinja in nations such as Brazil. The non-dogmatic nature of Shinto has also garnered interest from non-Japanese individuals; notably, in the United States, European Americans have been instrumental in its introduction.
In Popular Culture
Shinto is represented in popular culture, often manifesting as folk Shinto or Minkan Shinto.
References
References
Citations
Sources
- Jinja Honcho – English – The Official Japanese Organization of 80,000 Shinto Shrines
- Kokugakuin University Encyclopedia of Shinto Archived 3 April 2009 at the Wayback Machine and its Japanese Shinto Jinja Database Archived 30 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine